Tuesday, March 17, 2026

Otwarte okno - Janusz Korczak - Szkoła Specjalna 1926/7, str. 24.

Otwarte Okno w pokoju Korczaka na Krochmalnej 92.
Otwarte okno - Janusz Korczak - Szkoła Specjalna 1926/7, str. 24.


Otwarte okno - Janusz Korczak - Szkoła Specjalna 1926/7, str. 24.


Otwarte okno - Janusz Korczak - Szkoła Specjalna 1926/7, str. 24.



DR. JANUSZ KORCZAK.
Otwarte okno.

Dzieci mają wolny wstęp do mojego pokoju. Umowa zgóry: będzie wolno się bawić, lub tylko półgłosem rozmawiać, albo bezwzględna cisza. Mam na przyjęcie gości małe krzesło, fotelik i stołeczek. Są trzy okna, stykające się wzajemnie; środkowe otwarte; parapety nisko, 30 ctm nad podłogą. Od szeregu lat, codziennie — umieszczam krzesełko, fotelik i stołek zdala od otwartego okna, bywa, że je ukrywam gdzie w kącie. I codziennie wieczorem stoją niezmiennie przy oknie otwartem. Niekiedy widzę jak je odrazu zdecydowanym ruchem przysuwają, niekiedy podnoszą cicho i ostrożnie niemal ukradkiem. Najczęściej nie wiem, jak to się stało. W różnych miejscach umieszczałem tygodniki ilustrowane, utrudniałem dostęp do okna doniczkami. I cieszyło mnie, jak przemyślnie wymijają pokusy i usuwają przeszkody; otwarte okno zwycięża; nawet, gdy wiatr, nawet, gdy deszcz, gdy zimno. Tropizm, który każe wodorostom zbierać się tu czy tam, który wzwyż i wniż aż do krystalizacji chemicznego pokrewieństwa — rozkazuje wiązać się tak, a nie inaczej; prawo, które każe naci kartoflanej i wspinać się w piwnicy po murze do zakratowanego w górze okienka — i ten sam nakaz, wbrew ludzkim zakazom, który więźnia pcha do okna, by-spojrzeć w przestrzeń.

Dziecku potrzebny ruch, powietrze, światło — zgoda, ale i coś jeszcze. Spojrzenie w przestrzeń, poczucie wolności, — otwarte okno.
Mamy dwa podwórka: tylne, okolone murami, i frontowe, mniej dogodne, a przecież wyżej cenione. Tu cieplej, jaśniej — zgoda; ale nie tylko to: bo brama wprost na ulicę. Nieomal szał, gdy z ulicy wypadną na pole, tęsknota do rzeki. A cóż dopiero morze, obce lądy — świat cały. Śmiesznem zdawałoby mi się żądanie, by dać dowody, że wielu ginie w kryminale dlatego tylko, że nie posiadamy okrętów.

Zamknięcie nie jest izolacją szkodliwych i występnych, ale ciężką karą, niezależnie od takiego czy innego jadła czy rygoru. Oby stało się jedyną, stosowaną przez niedoskonałą ludzkość, zanim eugenika nie pozwoli obywać się już zupełnie bez kar.
Subiektywnie oceniamy i osądzamy tortury średniowiecza. Trudno wtedy było pochwycić zbrodniarza. Skryć się i uciec w lasy albo obce kraje, skorzystać z pożaru, zamieszania, najazdu, przekupić straż więzienną — dla silnych, odważnych, przemyślnych — drobne przedsięwzięcie. Trzeba było zamurować, łańcuchami przykuć w podziemiu, ćwiartować, palić na stosach, wbijać na pal, siec na placu publicznym. Inaczej nie można było, ponoć i to nie pomagało. Może pozornie tylko? Nie wiemy, ilu drapieżników ginęło w lasach, górach, wezbranych rzekach, ilu tworzyło nowe dalekie osiedla. Czyż Ameryka do niedawna nie była asylu awanturników i przestępców całego starego świata? Dziś więzienie jest najpowszechniejszą i najcięższą zarazem karą.

Nie wiem, w jaki system ujęte jest zamknięcie w więzieniu: karcer ciemny, separatka, pozbawienie spaceru, widzeń. Na dzień, tydzień, miesiąc. Jakość i ilość. Czy i w jakim stopniu stosują tę karę zakłady poprawcze? Czy wzorują się na więzieniu, czy opracowały własny, łagodniejszy system? Boć ambicją wychowawcy być musi, osiągać najpomyślniejsze wyniki drogą najmniejszych pogwałceń praw człowieka.
Zamknięty, ale z oknem, otwartem na boisko. Zamknięty, ale tylko na czas posiłków. Okno zamknięte, okratowane, okno w górze. Zamknięty na parterze. Podwórko ciasne i obszerne. Trawnik, ale tylko ten jeden.

Na kierowanej przeze mnie kolonii letniej swoboda poruszania się taką miała gradację:
1. prawo wychodzenia poza kolonję bez opieki,
2. prawo wychodzenia pod opieką odpowiedzialnego wychowawcy,
3. prawo wychodzenia na polankę poza obrębem kolonji,
4. prawo swobodnego ruchu w obrębie całej kolonji (5 mórg ziemi),
5. prawo do zabaw w rejonie danego wartownika („areszt”),
6. izolacja na trawniku pod kasztanem („klatka”).

Jeśli zgodzimy się, że nieznaczna tylko część dzieci ze złymi skłonnościami, i to przypadkowo, dostała się do zakładu poprawczego, gdy większość wiele szkodliwszych grasuje na swobodzie, czy nie są wskazane najdalej idące ulgi: urlopy, zbiorowe blizkie i dalekie wycieczki, właśnie w góry, do morza, nad jeziora i w puszcze? Tu właśnie, a nie w zamknięciu lepiej je poznamy. Tabela kar i nagród wyłącznie niemal oparta być może na dozowaniu swobody. Nie coś niecoś, a logiczny system, skodyfikowane prawo. Bez ograniczeń otwarta brama zakładu, ograniczenia co do dni i godzin, promienia, w którym wolno się swobodnie poruszać (wyjazd koleją, przechadzka do sąsiedniego miasteczka, lasu). I dopiero jako najwyższe szczeble kary: zamknięcie w pokoju na krótki przeciąg czasu. Wiadomo, że ustrój w szerokich granicach przystosowuje się do warunków. Muszą istnieć przypadki, że zamknięty przyzwyczaja się do niewoli, może ją nawet polubić. Zamknięcie, jako kara, przestanie działać; co wówczas?

Czy zakłady poprawcze, nawet na wsi umieszczone, posiadają kolonje letnie, obozy wakacyjne? Czy poszczególne zakłady wymieniają wychowawców na czas pewien, dla zmiany wrażeń, poznania innych warunków. Czy dzieci tak zwanych zakładów poprawczych mniejsze mają prawo, by poznać Kraków, Poznań, Wilno, morze, jeziora Suwalszczyzny? Zobaczyć kopalnię węgla, warzelnie, muzea, kino, teatr? Jeśli nawet podnieci, wzbudzi chęć ucieczki, czy nie zachęci do wysiłków poprawy, czy nie wniesie Świętego Powiewu. Pojedyńcze umieszczać w obozach skautów przysposobienia wojskowego — pokazać im dobre życie i rozproszyć zabójczą sugestię, że raz na zawsze napiętnowane, trędowate, wyklęte. Pragnąłbym: 1. wiedzieć, jak jest, 2. przeprowadzić dyskusję z wychowawcami naszych internatów dla dzieci moralnie obarczonych.
Mój pogląd: okno otworzyć, zastawić doniczkami kwiatów, rozłożyć po kątach przynęty i uważnie patrzeć, czy mimo przeszkody i wbrew nęcącym pokusom, nie będą w tym właśnie kierunku zwracały tęsknego wzroku. Dodam: jeśli radość sprawia wypuszczenie więzionego ptaka, jakże ta stała praca myśli: kogo wypuścić z więzienia — ubarwi zaprawdę szarą pracę wychowawcy.


English Translation
DR. JANUSZ KORCZAK.
The Open Window.
Children have free access to my room. An agreement made in advance: they may play, or speak only in a whisper, or there must be absolute silence. For receiving guests, I have a small chair, an armchair, and a stool. There are three windows, touching each other; the middle one is open; the sills are low, 30 cm above the floor. For several years, every day, I place the little chair, the armchair, and the stool far from the open window—sometimes I even hide them in a corner. And every evening, without fail, they stand by the open window. Sometimes I see them move them over at once with a decisive motion; sometimes they lift them quietly and cautiously, almost stealthily. Most often, I do not know how it happened. In various places, I placed illustrated weeklies, and I hindered access to the window with flowerpots. And it pleased me how cleverly they bypass the temptations and remove the obstacles; the open window triumphs, even when there is wind, even when it rains, when it is cold. The tropism that commands seaweed to gather here or there, which moves up and down until the crystallization of chemical affinity—ordering it to bind in this way and no other; the law that compels potato sprouts in a cellar to climb the wall toward a small barred window high above—and that same command, contrary to human prohibitions, which pushes a prisoner toward the window to gaze into space.
A child needs movement, air, light—granted, but something else as well. A gaze into space, a sense of freedom—the open window.
We have two courtyards: the back one, surrounded by walls, and the front one, less convenient, yet more highly valued. It is warmer and brighter here—granted, but not only that, because the gate leads straight to the street. It is almost a frenzy when they burst from the street into the fields, a longing for the river. And what of the sea, foreign lands, the whole world? It would seem ridiculous to me to demand, to provide evidence that many perish in prison only because we do not possess ships.
Confinement is not just the isolation of the harmful and the delinquent, but a severe punishment, regardless of this or that food or rigor. May it become the only one used by imperfect humanity, until eugenics allows us to do without punishments altogether.
Subjectively, we evaluate and judge the tortures of the Middle Ages. Back then, it was difficult to catch a criminal. To hide and escape into the forests or foreign lands, to take advantage of a fire, turmoil, or invasion, to bribe a prison guard—for the strong, the brave, and the clever, it was a minor undertaking. It was necessary to wall them in, chain them in dungeons, quarter them, burn them at the stake, impale them, or lash them in the public square. It could not be done otherwise, and supposedly, even that did not help. Or perhaps only seemingly? We do not know how many predators perished in forests, mountains, or swollen rivers, or how many established new, distant settlements. Was America not, until recently, an asylum for adventurers and criminals from the entire old world? Today, prison is both the most common and the most severe punishment.
I do not know what system governs confinement in prison: a dark cell, solitary confinement, deprivation of walks or visits. For a day, a week, a month. Quality and quantity. To what extent do reformatories apply this punishment? Do they model themselves after prisons, or have they developed their own milder system? For it must be the ambition of an educator to achieve the most favorable results through the minimal violation of human rights.
Locked up, but with a window open to the playing field. Locked up, but only during mealtimes. A closed window, barred, a window high above. Locked up on the ground floor. A courtyard, cramped or spacious. A lawn, but only this one.
At the summer camp I directed, the freedom of movement had the following gradation: 1. the right to go outside the camp without supervision, 2. the right to go out under the care of a responsible educator, 3. the right to go to a clearing outside the camp boundaries, 4. the right of free movement within the entire camp (5 morgs of land), 5. the right to play in the area of a given sentry ("arrest"), 6. isolation on the lawn under the chestnut tree ("the cage"). If we agree that only a small fraction of children with bad inclinations—and that by chance—ended up in a reformatory, while the majority of much more harmful ones roam free, are not the most far-reaching concessions advisable: leaves of absence, collective near and far excursions, precisely to the mountains, the sea, lakes, and the wilderness? It is there, rather than in confinement, that we will get to know them better. A table of punishments and rewards can be based almost exclusively on the dosage of freedom. Not just a bit of this or that, but a logical system, a codified law. The gate of the institution open without restrictions, or restrictions regarding days, hours, and the radius within which one may freely move (traveling by rail, a walk to the neighboring town or forest). And only as the highest levels of punishment: confinement in a room for a short period of time. It is known that the organism adapts to conditions within broad limits. There must be cases where the confined person grows accustomed to captivity, may even come to like it. Confinement, as a punishment, will cease to work; what then?
Do reformatories, even those located in the countryside, have summer colonies or holiday camps? Do individual institutions exchange educators for a certain period, for a change of impressions, and to learn about other conditions? Do children of so-called reformatories have less of a right to get to know Kraków, Poznań, Wilno, the sea, or the lakes of the Suwałki region? To see a coal mine, saltworks, museums, a cinema, or a theater? Even if it excites them or stirs a desire to escape, might it not also encourage efforts toward improvement, or bring in a Sacred Breath? To place individuals in scout camps or military training camps—to show them a good life and dispel the lethal suggestion that they are forever branded, leprous, and outcast. I would wish: 1. to know how things are, 2. to hold a discussion with the educators of our boarding houses for morally burdened children.
My view: open the window, block it with flowerpots, scatter lures in the corners, and watch carefully whether, despite the obstacles and contrary to enticing temptations, they will not turn their longing gaze in that very direction. I will add: if releasing a caged bird brings joy, how much more will this constant labor of thought—of whom to release from prison—truly color the gray work of an educator.

"The Open Window" is a concept and publication associated with the educator Janusz Korczak from 1926, symbolizing a "sense of freedom" for children. It represents his pedagogical approach aimed at providing children with freedom, autonomy, and better conditions within his orphanages, often documented in photographs of him and his children.

Monday, March 16, 2026

Szkoła Specjalna - 1925/26 - Artykuły - Maryna Falska i Janusz Korczak.

Po lewej: posiedzenie. Maria Falska z Radą Samorządową Naszego Domu. Po prawej: Janusz Korczak, tzw. Fotografia z piłką, której cień widać w prawym górnym rogu.






W kwartalniku „Szkoła Specjalna” Janusz Korczak opublikował szereg kluczowych artykułów, które stanowiły fundament jego refleksji nad pedagogiką leczniczą i specjalną. Współpracował on blisko z Marią Grzegorzewską, twórczynią pisma oraz Instytutu Pedagogiki Specjalnej. Maryna Falska publikowała rzadziej niż Korczak, jednak „Szkoła Specjalna” była głównym miejscem, gdzie analizowano system „Naszego Domu”

Oto lista najważniejszych tekstów Janusza Korczaka opublikowanych w tym czasopiśmie:
  • Teoria i praktyka (1925) – tekst o charakterze programowym, w którym Korczak analizuje relację między wiedzą teoretyczną a codziennym doświadczeniem wychowawcy.
  • Złodziejaszek (1926) – artykuł poświęcony psychologii dziecka wchodzącego w konflikt z prawem oraz roli środowiska w kształtowaniu postaw moralnych.
  • Notatki o różnych typach dzieci (oryg. Uwagi o typach dzieci) (1929) – wnikliwe obserwacje dotyczące różnorodności postaw i potrzeb dzieci, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem tych wymagających specjalnej opieki.
  • Niepoprawni (1932) – analiza trudności wychowawczych i granic oddziaływań pedagogicznych wobec dzieci uznawanych za „trudne”.
  • Wychowawca ambitny (1938) – tekst przestrzegający przed ambicjami wychowawcy, które mogą stać się przeszkodą w podmiotowym traktowaniu dziecka.
Współpraca Maryny (Marii) Rogowskiej-Falskiej z kwartalnikiem „Szkoła Specjalna” wynikała z jej bliskiej relacji zawodowej z Marią Grzegorzewską (twórczynią pisma) oraz Januszem Korczakiem. Falska, jako kierowniczka zakładu „Nasz Dom”, publikowała na łamach tego czasopisma teksty dotyczące nowoczesnych metod opieki nad dzieckiem osieroconym i trudnym.
Najważniejsze publikacje i konteksty obecności Maryny Falskiej w „Szkole Specjalnej” to opisy systemu wychowawczego „Naszego Domu”: Falska publikowała artykuły (często o charakterze sprawozdawczym lub analitycznym), w których przybliżała funkcjonowanie samorządu dziecięcego, sądów koleżeńskich oraz metodykę pracy z dziećmi z rodzin robotniczych.

Zakład wychowawczy Nasz Dom: szkic informacyjny”: Choć wydany pierwotnie jako osobna broszura w 1928 roku (z przedmową Korczaka), fragmenty i omówienia metod opisanych w tej publikacji trafiały na łamy „Szkoły Specjalnej” jako wzorcowe przykłady pedagogiki społecznej.

Współpraca z Marią Grzegorzewską: Falska brała udział w debatach publikowanych w kwartalniku dotyczących kształcenia nauczycieli i wychowawców. Była ceniona za praktyczne podejście do „pedagogiki miłości” i szacunku, co korespondowało z profilem pisma. 

W późniejszych numerach (również powojennych) nazwisko Falskiej pojawia się w artykułach analizujących historię polskich placówek opiekuńczych oraz wpływ jej metod na współczesną pedagogikę specjalną.

Warto dodać, że w „Szkole Specjalnej” często analizowano „eksperyment bielański” (przeniesienie „Naszego Domu” z Pruszkowa do nowej siedziby na warszawskich Bielanach), który Falska realizowała we współpracy z architektami i Korczakiem, tworząc przestrzeń dostosowaną do potrzeb dziecka.

Publikacje Janusza Korczaka w „Szkole Specjalnej”
Janusz Korczak był stałym współpracownikiem pisma, a jego artykuły koncentrowały się na praktyce pedagogicznej i psychologii dziecka:
1924/1925, nr 2: Teoria i praktyka – jeden z pierwszych tekstów, w którym Korczak definiuje rolę doświadczenia w pracy nauczyciela.
1925/1926, nr 3: Złodziejaszek – analiza przyczyn i mechanizmów kradzieży u dzieci.
1929/1930, nr 1: Uwagi o typach dzieci – systematyka postaw dziecięcych oparta na wieloletniej obserwacji w Domu Sierot.
1931/1932, nr 4: Niepoprawni – tekst o dzieciach sprawiających szczególne trudności wychowawcze.
1937/1938, nr 3: Wychowawca ambitny – przestroga przed przedkładaniem własnych ambicji nad dobro dziecka.

Maryna Falska i „Nasz Dom” na łamach kwartalnika „Szkoła Specjalna”
1925–1928. W tych rocznikach pojawiały się artykuły opisujące strukturę placówki Nasz Dom, m.in. Zasady działania sądu koleżeńskiego i samorządu.
1928/1929: Szerokie omówienie publikacji Zakład wychowawczy Nasz Dom: szkic informacyjny, która stała się fundamentem polskiej pedagogiki społecznej.
1946 (nr 2/3): Powojenny numer specjalny zawierający teksty wspomnieniowe o Falskiej (zmarłej w 1944 r.) oraz analizę jej wkładu w opiekę nad sierotami.

The fourth of "my children" that came on the UNRRA White Boats to Sweden and left 18th months later for Eretz Israel is Ofra Freiman Lustgarten.

 


4/14 - The fourth of "my children" that came on the White Boats to Sweden and left 18th months later for Eretz Israel is Ofra Freiman Lustgarten.

When we met in Haida, she was first talking about her weight, when leaving Lübeck - 25 kg. About the trip to Sweden and the Emergency Hospital in Örebro. She remembered the names of her doctor and the nurses from the hospital. Looking through the book she got from SHMA, the Swedish Holocaust Memorial Association, she recognized herself and several others in the photos.

Thanks, Eli Nusbaum and Amir Roggel, for making this day so memorable for me, and I hope also for them ❤



From Trelleborg in Sweden to Haifa. The SS Ulua (later renamed Haim Arlosoroff) was a ship carrying 1,378 Jewish Holocaust survivors to Eretz Israel. 650 of them came from Sweden. Most of them came to Sweden during the UNRRA White Boat mission at the end of WWII. In February 1947, it was intercepted by the British Royal Navy as part of their efforts to prevent Jewish immigration. British troops (white helmets in this photo) are ultimately boarding the vessel. The ship ran aground near Haifa, where the passengers and crew faced intense confrontation with the British. Following the capture, most of the Holocaust survivors on board were deported to detention camps in Cyprus.

Sunday, March 15, 2026

Ett dike och en vacker skog döljer miljoner nazistiska mord – nu samma förfarande även på Sveriges museum om Förintelsen*

Minnesmärket över de mördade judarna i Stolin (Belarus) är beläget vid en massgrav, nästan 300 meter långt dike i skogsområdet Stasino (Стасино), cirka 3 km nordost om staden (51.923538, 26.865231). Det är inte lätt att hitta till skogsområdet Stasino (ibland stavat Stasyn), där minnesmärket över de 8000 mördade judarna från Stolin-gettot finns. Det ligger inom ett stort tallskogsområde. Under kriget skulle området användas som ett flygfält, vilket förklarar de stora öppna ytorna och de djupa groparna som utgör massgravarna. Cirka 8 000 judar mördades i skogsområdet Stasino under massakern den 11–12 september 1942. Utöver de 8 000 judarna finns ytterligare en massgrav i Stasino med cirka 4 500 andra offer, däribland belarusier, ukrainare och ryssar, vilket innebär att totalt över 12 000 människor vilar på platsen. Bilden ovan och texten säger faktiskt mer än bilden på en skogsparti och texter som visas på Sveriges museum om Förintelsen i Stockholm.
Sveriges Museum om Förintelsen, Stockholm. Denna mastodontbild (flera kvadratmeter) av skogen är tyvärr en sammanfattning av nazisternas första fas av Förintelsen – Holocaust by bullets. Fotografiet på skogen i utställningen är tyvärr en alltför förenklad representation av nazisternas första fas av Förintelsen – ”Holocaust by bullets”. Ett intetsägande foto av en skog förväntas här förklara mordet på mellan 1,5 och 2 miljoner judar. Detta är anmärkningsvärt då få svenskar känner till denna del av Förintelsen, som inleddes sommaren 1941.
Einsatzgruppen soldater skjuter judar i en förberedd massgrav.

* Titeln är kraftfull och jag hoppas att museets ledning förstår den provokativa vinklingen. Om inte? Genom att dra parallellen till att museet ”går i nazisternas spår” markerar jag att museet nu, precis som förövarna gjorde då, döljer brottsplatserna (och brotten) bakom naturens anonymitet. 
Sveriges museum om Förintelsen gör det genom att representera massmordet på två miljoner judar med en intetsägande bild av en grönskande skog och sviker sitt uppdrag. Istället för att visa den brutala verkligheten i ’Holocaust by bullets’ – nakenheten, ravinerna och de personliga avrättningarna – väljer museet en estetisk abstraktion. Resultatet blir att de mördade osynliggörs på nytt och historien förvandlas till ett akademiskt samtal för de redan invigda, medan den nakna sanningen om Babij Jar-massakern förpassas till en fotnot i hörnet.

Hur visualiserar man det ofattbara utan att antingen skona betraktaren för mycket eller bli voyeuristisk?
Jag har besökt Sveriges museum om Förintelsen i Stockholm flera gånger och varje gång lämnade jag platsen med en djup känsla av frustration och sorg. Museet, som bär det tunga ansvaret att förvalta minnet av historiens största brott, tycks ha valt en väg som döljer sanningen snarare än att visa den.

Måste våga visa mörkret!
I den "fasta utställningen" möts man bl.a. av ett foto på en grönskande skog. Denna vackra naturbild ska representera ”Holocaust by bullets” – den första fasen av Förintelsen där mellan 1,5 och 2 miljoner judar mördades i masskjutningar. Genom att använda en anonym skogsbild förvandlas råa, brutala mord till något abstrakt och vackert. Det är en skam och en kränkning av de miljoner offer som tvingades klä av sig nakna vid kanten av raviner som Babij Jar, Liepaja och många andra ställen för att sedan skjutas ner i massgravar inför ögonen på sina familjer. Varför väljer ett museum att gömma undan denna historia? Den som inte redan är expert ser bara en skog. Informationen om att 33 771 judar mördades i Babij Jar på bara två dygn sitter som en liten, ditklistrad oansenlig lapp i ett hörn.

Naturen som medbrottsling – från Liepaja, Babij Jar och Treblinka till Stockholm
När Sveriges museum om Förintelsen väljer att representera massmorden med en bild av en fridfull skog, gör de naturen till en medbrottsling i efterhand. Detta är inte bara ett estetiskt val; det är en metod som nazisterna själva fulländade för att utplåna spåren efter sina brott.
I utrotningslägret Treblinka II genomfördes en systematisk mörkläggning genom att gräva upp kroppar och bränna dem på järnvägsräls (Sonderaktion 1005 ***). Askan av nära 1 miljon offer blandades med jord; området förvandlades till en bondgård och man planterade lupiner över hela området. Naturen användes medvetet som en mask för att dölja den fysiska förintelsen och förvandla platsen för dödsmaskineriet till en oskyldig sommaräng.
När ett modernt museum i Stockholm nu använder samma visuella grepp – grönskande träd istället för den brutala dokumentationen av Holocaust by bullets – går man omedvetet i förövarnas fotspår. Genom att skona besökaren från de mördades blickar och de bödlar som stod vid dikets kant, fullbordar man nazisternas sista önskan: att brottet ska förbli dolt bakom naturens anonymitet.
Ett museum om Förintelsen ska inte vara en plats för estetik och akademisk distans. Det ska vara en plats där vi tvingas se mörkret i vitögat, för att vi aldrig ska tillåta det att sänka sig igen.

Är Sveriges Museum om Förintelsen ett museum för de "närmast sörjande"?
Det stora problemet är inte bara bildvalen utan museets hela inriktning. Verksamheten domineras av seminarier, bokcirklar, uppträdanden och akademiska föreläsningar. Det är i sig viktiga inslag, men det skapade en sluten krets. De som kommer dit är vad jag kallar för de ”närmast sörjande” – människor som redan kan allt om Förintelsen. Det positiva är att bland de närmast sörjande finns även andra och tredje generationen. De är dock oftast intresserade av språket jiddish samt sånger och dans från tiden före Förintelsen (substantiv).

Sveriges museum om Förintelsen har blivit ett samtalsrum för experter, medan den breda allmänheten, skolungdomar och de som aldrig hört talas om Einsatzgruppen eller Babij Jar lämnas utanför. Om vi inte vågar visa hur det faktiskt gick till (den fysiska förintelsen), om vi bara pratar om historien istället för att visa den, då har vi misslyckats med uppdraget att ”aldrig glömma”.

Ett museum om Förintelsen får aldrig bli en bekväm plats (vare sig för personalen eller besökarna). Det måste vara en plats som vågar visa mörkret, så att vi verkligen förstår vidden av det som skedde.

Museum om Förintelsen tycks skydda besökaren från informationen då bilderna från själva förintelsen (verb) göms bakom en bild på sommarvacker, grönskande skog. En bild på en vacker skog känns djupt provocerande för mig när den används för att representera massavrättningar. Utan förkunskap ser besökaren bara natur. Det riskerar att "naturliggöra" brottet eller göra det abstrakt. Håller ni med om det?

* Titel. "Ett dike och en vacker skog döljer miljoner nazistiska mord – nu samma förfarande även på Sveriges museum om Förintelsen" - är rätt så kraftfull och jag hoppas att museets ledning förstår den provokativa vinklingen. Om inte? Genom att dra parallellen till att museet ”går i nazisternas spår” markerar jag att museet nu, precis som förövarna gjorde då, döljer brottsplatserna (och brotten) bakom naturens anonymitet.
**
*** Sonderaktion 1005 var den nazistiska täckmanteln för att utplåna bevisen för Förintelsen. Enheten, ledd av Paul Blobel, grävde upp och brände miljontals kroppar vid massgravarna i öst (bl.a. Babij Jar och Treblinka) för att dölja brotten inför den framryckande Röda armén. Naturen användes som ett aktivt redskap i detta förnekande genom återplantering av skog och gröda. Valet av lupiner i Treblinka II-området var inte en tillfällighet. De växer nämligen utmärkt på väldränerad sandmark, eftersom den inte hindrar deras djupa rötter från att växa.

Bilden visar en skylt vid en skogsväg som leder till Stasino-minnesmärket, som markerar en massgrav för 8 000 offer från Stolin-gettot. Texten på bilden är på ryska och anger namnet "STASINO" (СТАСИНО).


Titta bara på museets program för Kulturnatten i mitten av april. Här reklam för Klezmer med Sternfall. Inget om "Kultur och konst i getton". Inget om "Musiken och Auschwitz-orkestern", egentligen orkestrar. Således inget som kan direkt kopplas till förintelsen (verb) av judar m.fl.

Titta bara på museets program för Kulturnatten i mitten av april. 

Sveriges museum om Förintelsen - Programmet för Kulturnatten 
  • Klezmer med Sternfall
  • Prova på romsk folkdans med Claudia Toftesson
  • Konstverket Moln som bär våra tankar
  • Musik med bandet Kulti (romska sånger och musik)
Inget om "Kultur och konst i getton".  Inget om "Musiken och Auschwitz-orkestern", egentligen orkestrar. Således inget som kan direkt kopplas till förintelsen (verb) av judar m.fl.

Förslag:

"Mädchenorchester von Auschwitz" 
I Auschwitz fanns flera orkestrar, men mest känd är kvinnoorkestern "Mädchenorchester von Auschwitz" i Auschwitz-Birkenau. Musiken användes av SS som ett makabert verktyg för att upprätthålla disciplin och dölja verkligheten. Musiken spelades främst vid lägergrindarna när arbetskommandon marscherade ut på morgonen och kom tillbaka på kvällen. Vid vissa tillfällen tvingades orkestern spela nära gaskamrarna för att lugna nyanlända offer och dränka ljudet av skrik, vilket är en av de mest mörka aspekterna av deras historia. De spelade även underhållningsmusik för SS-officerare på deras fritid. Att vara musiker var en privilegierad position som ofta innebar räddningen för medlemmarna. De fick bättre matransoner, egna baracker med värme och slapp det tyngsta tvångsarbetet. Den mest kända ledaren för kvinnoorkestern i Auschwitz var den österrikiska violinisten Alma Rosé (brorsdotter till Gustav Mahler). Överlevare som Anita Lasker-Wallfisch (cellist) och Fania Fénelon har skrivit gripande skildringar om hur musiken både blev deras räddning och ett psykologiskt trauma.

Konstnärligt motstånd i Getton

Konstnärer i getton försökte fånga vardagslivet och det nazistiska förtrycket. Mycket av det som skapades var i form av teckningar, illustrationer och dagboksanteckningar som gömdes undan för att vittna om Förintelsen. I Warszawas ghetto fanns ett intensivt kulturliv trots den extrema hungern och terrorn. Bl.a. flera teatrar. Konstnärer försökte dokumentera verkligheten som ett sista vittnesbörd eller som en form av andligt motstånd.
Här är några av de mest betydelsefulla namnen och deras konstnärliga produktion:

Gela Seksztajn (1907–1943). Hon var målare och pedagog. Innan hon mördades i Warszawagettoupproret 1943 gömde hon över 300 av sina verk (främst akvareller och porträtt av barn) i det hemliga Ringelblum-arkivet. Hon lämnade ett testamente där hon bad att hennes bilder skulle bevaras som ett minne av det judiska folket.
Halina Ołomucka (1921–2007). Hon började teckna i ghettot som tonåring. Hennes mor uppmanade henne att "rita så att världen får veta". Hon smugglade ut sina teckningar eller gömde dem i väggar, och många av hennes skisser från livet i Warszawas ghetto och senare i Auschwitz finns bevarade idag.
Władysław Szpilman (1911–2000). Världskänd genom filmen The Pianist. Han var en framstående kompositör och pianist som spelade i ghettots kaféer och för den judiska radion. Hans överlevnad i ruinerna efter ghettots likvidering är en av de mest kända historierna från denna tid.
Roman Kramsztyk (1885–1942). En etablerad konstnär redan före kriget. I ghettot skapade han gripande teckningar som visade svälten och tiggeriet på gatorna. Han vägrade lämna ghettot trots erbjudanden om skydd på den "ariska" sidan och sköts till döds under en aktion 1942.
Władysław Szlengel, poet (1912–1943), brukar kallas för "Warszawaghettots krönikör". Han var den mest betydelsefulla poeten som skrev inifrån murarna och hans dikter fungerade som en levande tidning, "Det levande tidningsbladet", för de instängda människorna. Szlengel anordnade litterära kvällar där han läste upp sina dikter, som ofta var bitande ironiska och tragiska. Hans dikter kopierades för hand och spreds i hemlighet bland invånarna. En av hans mest kända texter, "Telefonen", beskriver känslan av total isolering. I dikten ringer han upp vänner på den "ariska sidan" av staden, bara för att inse att ingen svarar eller vill kännas vid honom längre. Han mördades av tyskarna i maj 1943 under upproret i Warszawaghetto 1943 när bunkern han var gömd i upptäcktes.
Emanuel Ringelblum. Man kan inte nämna konstnärerna utan att nämna historikern Emanuel Ringelblum. Han startade gruppen Oyneg Shabbos som i hemlighet samlade in teckningar, dikter, dagböcker och affischer. Utan detta arkiv hade vi inte haft de visuella bevisen vi har idag på hur livet såg ut inifrån.

Telefonen Władysław Szlengel (Utdrag)
Mitt finger darrar i nummerskivans hål…
Jag ringer till andra sidan.
Där borta finns kvällen, och lugnet, och staden,
Där borta finns de som jag en gång kände.
Hallå! Är det du? Det är jag… Minns du mig än?
Vi skrattade nyss under lyktornas sken.
Men rösten i luren är främmande, kall:
"Vem söker ni? Här finns ingen med det namnet."
Jag stirrar på väggen, på nattens tysta vakt,
Här inne är det mörkt; här är världen lagd i aska.
Mellan oss finns en mur, en oändlig distans,
Och ingen svarar längre när jag ringer från min instängda värld.

Kontraattack Władysław Szlengel (Utdrag), troligen hans sista dikt skriven i april 1943.
Hör du, tyske gud, hur judarna ber i sina "vilda" hus,
med en påk i handen, med en kniv i näven.
Vi ber om ett våldsamt slut, om ett dånande rus,
Inte om nåd, men om hämndens sista sven.
Se på oss! Vi kliver ut ur källarnas dunkla skrymslen,
Inte till boskapsvagnar, inte till dödens perrong.
Vårt "nej" ekar högre än era piskor och fängelsen,
Nu sjunger vi vår egen bittra segersång.
Blodet som flyter på gatan är inte längre bara vårt,
Nu blandas det med ert i rännstens smuts.
Det är svårt att dö, men att dö kämpande är inte svårt,
När varje skott är en hälsning, en sista resurs.
Szlengel skrev "Kontraattack" som en direkt reaktion på att den judiska motståndsrörelsen (ŻOB) i januari 1943 och därefter i april hade gjort ett aktivt motstånd mot nazisterna. Szlengel skildrar förvandlingen från det han kallade boskap (offren som föstes i boskapsvagnar på väg till utrotningsläger) till krigare. Dikten blev en hymn för de stridande i bunkrarna.

Gela Seksztajn (1907–1943). Hon var målare och pedagog. Innan hon mördades i Warszawagettoupproret 1943 gömde hon över 300 av sina verk i det hemliga Ringelblum-arkivet. Hon lämnade även ett testamente där hon bad att hennes bilder skulle bevaras som ett minne av det judiska folket.

Halina Ołomucka (1921–2007). Hon började teckna i Warszawa-gettot som tonåring.

Halina Ołomucka (1921–2007). Hon började teckna i Warszawa-gettot som tonåring.

Halina Ołomucka (1921–2007). Hon började teckna i Warszawa-gettot som tonåring.

Władysław Szlengel, poet (1912–1943), brukar kallas för "Warszawaghettots krönikör". Han var den mest betydelsefulla poeten som skrev inifrån murarna och hans dikter fungerade som en levande tidning, "Det levande tidningsbladet", för de instängda människorna. Szlengel anordnade litterära kvällar där han läste upp sina dikter, som ofta var bitande ironiska och tragiska. Hans dikter kopierades för hand och spreds i hemlighet bland invånarna. En av hans mest kända texter, "Telefonen", beskriver känslan av total isolering. I dikten ringer han upp vänner på den "ariska sidan" av staden, bara för att inse att ingen svarar eller vill kännas vid honom längre.

#Treblinka #Holocaust #Aktion1005 #Historia #Sonderkommando #Liepaja #SverigesMuseumOmFörintelsen #BabijJar #HumanRights #Skam

Sunday, March 8, 2026

From Sweden to Eretz Israel in 1947 - Swedish Press Coverage of 1 month Journey of Holocaust Survivors on S/S Ulua (S/S Haim Arlozorof).


From Trelleborg in Sweden to Haifa. The SS Ulua (later renamed Haim Arlosoroff) was a ship carrying 1,378 Jewish Holocaust survivors to Eretz Israel. In February 1947, it was intercepted by the British Royal Navy as part of their efforts to prevent Jewish immigration. British troops (white helmets in this photo) are ultimately boarding the vessel. The ship ran aground near Haifa, where the passengers and crew faced intense confrontation with the British. Following the capture, most of the Holocaust survivors on board were deported to detention camps in Cyprus.

From Sweden to Eretz Israel in 1947.

Swedish Press Coverage of the Journey of Holocaust Survivors on S/S Ulua.

Abstract

At the end of WWII, thousands of Holocaust survivors came to Sweden. Most of them were young women and children, sick and emaciated after the years of horrors of Nazi persecution.  They shared a common and tragic fate. In most cases, their mothers, fathers, and siblings were murdered, often in front of their eyes, during the Holocaust. Few expected to find a single surviving relative in their home countries. Despite considerable care and support received in Sweden, the majority of these young people had a clear desire to settle in Eretz Israel, then still the British Mandate of Palestine, with only some wanting to join relatives in the USA or South America.

The Jewish organization Halutz (Haluz) in Sweden tried to help Holocaust survivors. Already in October 1945, they assembled a list of over three thousand persons who registered their wish to move to Eretz Israel. However, the emigrants faced several obstacles, such as the British quotas for the number of Jews allowed to enter legally, the lack of appropriate transportation, and the need to obtain valid passports and entry visas.

In January 1947, it became technically possible to make the entire trip from Sweden to Haifa by boat and, at that time, it appeared to be the only feasible route for the sizable groups of people. Still, the Jewish organizations operated within very narrow margins of what was considered permissible by the British.  This is why the S/S Ulua trip had to be handled in secrecy.  While Sweden seemed to facilitate the departure of Jews, the Swedish media, apparently swayed by the British suspicion,  treated the departure of the ship as a sensation worthy of the alarmist headlines and photos in the chief Swedish papers. At the same time, the content of the articles demonstrated a total lack of understanding and empathy for the special circumstances of the young Holocaust victims and a complete absence of respect for their desperate but courageous journey.   Instead, the press focused on the inadequate conditions of the vessel and questioned the ability of the boat to reach its final destination. Particularly notable was the apparent disregard for the need to maintain secrecy with respect to the organization of the trip that the press manifested by disclosing information that could jeopardize the entire operation. 

Introduction 

Who were "Ulua Emigrants"?

The S/S Ulua ship departed from Trelleborg in Sweden on January 24, 1947. After the horrors of the Holocaust and the brief period of recuperation in Sweden, Ulua was to bring a group of Holocaust survivors to their destination, Eretz Israel, at the time still the British Mandate of Palestine. The British opposed immigration to the Mandate and the trip had to be secretive, was dangerous, and the goal hard to reach as history confirmed it.
 
"Ulua emigrants" were mostly women and children liberated in Bergen-Belsen by the British, who were brought to Sweden by the UNRRA White Boat humanitarian Mission in June-July 1945. A few of the passengers came to Sweden from Germany on the Red Cross White Buses, and some were children sent from Germany to Sweden in the so-called "Kindertransport" already before the war. Of the 650 Ulua passengers, 500 were women. All were united by a common and tragic fate that their mothers, fathers, and siblings were murdered during the Holocaust, and that they did not expect that a single family member could have been left in their home countries. For many of them, Europe was but the biggest Jewish cemetery! Some might have expected to meet distant relatives living in Eretz Israel (Mandate of Palestine) who emigrated before the war. To the objective observer, the circumstances of the Ulua passengers could only have inspired extreme sympathy and respect, but that, as we will demonstrate, was fully absent in the Swedish media coverage of the Ulua journey.

The plight of the survivors, Ulua passengers, can be dramatically illustrated by the picture taken in the women's camp in Bergen-Belsen. Here, sitting on the ground, two women peel potatoes for a meal in Bergen-Belsen, seemingly unaware of the abandoned naked corpses of the fellow prisoners who died before the liberation of the camp. A woman pictured in the background appears as if searching for relatives among the bodies. The woman in the front left of the picture has been identified as Alice Lok, and the woman lying on the ground is likely her sister, Edith, who later died at the British hospital in Bergen-Belsen. Subsequent research showed that Alice Lok had come to Sweden on the UNRRA White Boat M/S Kronprinsessan Ingrid that left Lübeck for Sweden on July 10, 1945.(Fig 1)

Surveying the archives, one gets the impression that the Swedish government was not opposed to the desire of the survivors to leave Sweden and might have even favored it. The survivors who found themselves in Sweden after the war would obtain passports of their country of origin, such as Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania, and Hungary, from the appropriate consulates in Sweden (unless they could not bear contact with these consulates, in which case they were granted a Swedish foreign passport, a Främlingspass).  In parallel,  Swedish foreign passports were granted to a group of stateless Holocaust survivors, mainly German Jews who had been stripped of citizenship during the Nazi era. Possession of a passport was one of the two preconditions for embarking on a journey.

The second requirement to leave Sweden was a valid entry visa to a recipient country. And here the problem was solved through an action of the Jewish Refugees Welfare Society who obtained a group visa to Cuba. This particular group visa was issued on August 5, 1946, for a group whose personnel content was to be specified at a later date.  Significantly,  the visa was valid for only 6 months from the date of issue, or until February 5, 1947. This clearly suggests that the trip had been planned well before October 1946. And in fact, according to the documents in the Swedish National Archives, the authorities stamped the travelers' passports saying: "unimpeded departure before 31/10/1946" does not entitle the bearer to receive a ration card", indicating that the person would have left the country by the end of October 1946 and did not need a ration card.  Since the trip was delayed until January 24, 1947, there was no chance of reaching Cuba before the expiry of the entry visa on February 5, 1947.  And yet,  the Swedish authorities were willing to look the other way. (Fig. 2)

Even with their shortcomings, the documents were found passable by the customs officers, but another obstacle loomed on the horizon.  Apparently, the condition of the ship did not seem seaworthy to carry some 600 people to Cuba. In the end, the Trelleborg port manager was persuaded that the ship was to travel only to Le Havre, where it would be relieved by an ocean steamer. S/S Ulua traveled under the Honduras flag, underlining the fact that it was a third party rather than a Swedish expedition.

Significance of the Trip to the Press

It is evident from the survey of the Swedish press that the trip was treated in Sweden as a very newsworthy even sensational item. Articles about S/S Ulua appeared on the front pages of the newspapers, accompanied by photographs of the boat's journey. On January 31, 1947, a full week after S/S Ulua left Trelleborg,  an article about the journey was placed on the front page of Dagens Nyheter, just next to a photo report from the funeral of Crown Prince Gustaf Adolf, who died in a plane crash at Kastrup Airport (Fig. 3)

Based on the statistics obtained from the digital searches at the Royal Library in Stockholm, "Ulua" as the keyword generates as many as twenty-five (25) articles published by Dagens Nyheter, followed by Svenska Dagbladet and Trelleborgs Tidningen with sixteen (16) each. By comparison, the evening papers, which often considered gossip and scandal seeking, had placed only a few articles on a later date. It is clear that in the case of Ulua, it is the morning newspapers that had attempted to present the ship's journey as a sensation of sorts, something normally attributed to the evening press. In this case, there were only nine (9) articles in Aftonbladet and only six (6) in Expressen.

These simple statistics and the content and placement of the articles show that it was the morning newspapers that fostered an atmosphere of sensation in the reporting on Ulua. Based on the above survey, while the evening newspapers shied away from emphasizing the event, the morning newspapers and Trelleborg Tidningen tended to portray the departure of Holocaust survivors to the Swedish public as a primary event requiring special attention. This was accentuated by the pointedness of the language and the choice of shockingly derogatory headlines. It was especially curious that supposedly serious morning papers such as Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet engaged in journalism based on secondary gossip rather than solid facts that would require describing the background and circumstances of the Holocaust survivors departure from Sweden and Europe. In contrast, uncharacteristically, reporting on "Ulua" was twice as frequent in the morning papers compared to the evening papers, leading to speculation that the press had been guided by reasons other than just journalistic curiosity.

The morning newspapers normally invest more than the evening newspapers in providing readers with in-depth reporting and background information but, their reporting on Ulua was scandalously low. Especially that all these newspapers had at their disposal an army of experienced reporters. Trelleborgs Tidningen's report at the quay appeared duplicated by the others who received information from the same source such as the telegram agency. Similarities in the published articles were striking, although some things were magnified or described more negatively than in other papers.

Information About the Trip

It is particularly striking how the newspaper articles of the time abstracted from the human factor of the Ulua expedition, presenting it as a curious anonymous event where a group of Jews was leaving Sweden in a substandard vessel for an unknown destination. Instead, one would expect a description of a dramatic scene where a number of people who shared the same tragic fate were finally trying to rebuild their lives. They experienced imprisonment in the ghettos, some as early as 1939, suffered in the concentration and death camps, witnessed annihilation of their younger siblings and parents in the gas chambers, during the death marches, experienced near-death conditions in Bergen-Belsen, and finally, at the end of the war, were rescued in Sweden, where they received life-saving care. There was no recognition that many were small children and lone travelers, the sole survivors of entire families. For that whole group, Europe was a large Jewish cemetery, and for most of them, there was no home to come back to, not only because of psychological barriers but also due to the hostility at home that awaited them. All that was missing from the press coverage. Ironically, the only "human" factor mentioned in one article was the voice of a young woman who, when asked about the purpose of the journey, apparently responded that she hoped to find a husband. Another was an amusing mention of the fancy signs marking Ulua's toilets: the ladies' decorated with a picture of an airily dressed woman on the door and the men's with a gentleman dressed in a tailcoat with a high hat in his hand, as reported by Expressen on departure day, January 24, 1947.(Fig.4)

The Leaks
 
The Jewish Refugees Welfare Society planned that S/S Ulua would depart on January 24, 1947, from the port of Trelleborg. Before the trip, the Holocaust survivors were to gather in safe, secret places, preferably near Trelleborg or along the Gävle-Stockholm railway line, and then Stockholm-Trelleborg. A chartered SJ train was to run the above routes the night between 23 and 24 January. Those who were notified were, of course, the Swedish passport and customs authorities, the port office in Trelleborg, and the SJ personnel (SJ Sveriges Järnvägar - Swedish Railway). Everyone else involved was to be kept in the dark until the last minute. The survivors who were to board the boat and who were still employed were not to inform their bosses about the trip, just not come to work at the appointed time. Information about the places where the survivors who were not to travel by train was also kept secret. Despite all of these precautions, the information about the trip leaked to the Swedish press, potentially jeopardizing the whole operation.

An information leak, "läckan" in Swedish, occurs when the secret information is spread outside an organization to unauthorized persons. It can be about the secrets that are spread to benefit the organization's enemy. A leak is used to stop or complicate a planned operation by spreading the secrets to the public via the mass media. To demonstrate that there was a leak surrounding the departure of the ship S/S Ulua from Sweden in 1947, I have performed a search of the archives of the articles published by the largest and most digitized Swedish newspapers available at the Royal Library in Stockholm. 

The first newspaper to leak the information was Trelleborgs Tidningen, followed by Dagens Nyheter. The information seems to have reached the editors early, before 21 January 1947, because it was already published on January 22. The entire secret plan, including the places where the survivors would gather before the voyage, was published at the same time as the ship S/S Ulua stopped to stock up on fuel in Copenhagen, and when most of the future passengers were still spread over half of Sweden, from Malmö in the south to Gävle in the north.

The headline in Trelleborgs Tidningen said that " the so-called 'Judetransporten' (Jew-transport, transport of the Jews) has been planned since last autumn".  This clearly indicates that the newspaper was aware of the trip earlier, but probably received a tip about its movement on January 21, 1947. That information may have been leaked to the other morning and evening newspapers, as Trelleborgs Tidningen already indicated in the headline that they knew about it all. The fact that S/S Ulua docked in Copenhagen was partly due to the ice situation, as the Swedish ports were not ice-free. Of course, it was also more convenient and safer for S/S Ulua to stock up and refuel on diesel in Copenhagen and come to Trelleborg just to swiftly pick up the passengers. Early in the morning of January 23, 1947, S/S Ulua sailed from Copenhagen and later, with the help of a Swedish pilot, docked in the port of Trelleborg, right by the quay track. At the quay in Trelleborg, it was met by a gathering of Swedish journalists and photographers.(Fig.5)

The Swedish news agency TT (Tidningarnas Telegrambyrå) apparently cabled all the newspapers on Thursday, January 23, with further details such as the destination of the trip (Cuba), the number of passengers (600), and that it would sail under the Honduras flag.  It also informed that the crew was mostly Jewish and that the Jews who would board the ship mid-day on Friday were to arrive by the morning train from Stockholm. This brief information appeared in numerous newspapers, but it is not known if it was included in the TT-news broadcast by the national Swedish Radio. Once again, there was no mention of the circumstances of the travel by the Jews. Instead, the newspapers focused on the inadequate sleeping conditions on board and the insufficient supply of linen, considering the number of passengers.

It is my hypothesis that information leaked to the media came from the British government and the British security service, who wanted to stop the Jewish immigration to Eretz Israel. Most Displaced Persons (DP) camps were in Germany, and the majority of illegal transports of Holocaust survivors went through France as it was only a matter of crossing a single border on the way to coastal ports on the Mediterranean. Not to mention that, in France, there was also a strong Aliyah Beth network. The British government concluded an agreement with the French counterpart that the border stations would allow crossing only for the survivors equipped with valid visas. As most did not possess such visas, a trip by boat was an alternative route because it did not involve any border crossings. And this is exactly what was intimated by the Swedish newspapers that claimed the journey by boat was instigated by the fear of obstacles erected by the British Government in order to prevent the entry to Eretz Israel (the "promised land") by the Holocaust survivors.  The papers wrote about a British naval ship that shadowed S/S Ulua, but often they disclosed that Ulua did not take the shortest way to LeHavre through the Kiel Canal within the British military zone, but instead traveled around to avoid the controls.

Evidently, to disarm the operation, reportedly, the harbormaster in Copenhagen received pertinent information from the British that S/S Ulua was to transport young women to the brothels of South America and that they should be detained in Copenhagen to stop the illegal activity. Fortunately, the harbormaster, a member of the Danish resistance movement, was forewarned about the final destination of the voyage and he simply wished Ulua's captain good luck before the boat left Denmark. The fact that the British followed S/S Ulua had been reported in the New York Times on January 24, 1967, and confirmed in the Swedish newspaper Expressen the next day.

Mainly through the information from the British press, the Swedish newspapers continued to report on the progress of S/S Ulua's journey along the coastline in Europe and then in the Mediterranean. At the same time, the purpose of the entire trip and the nature of its passengers were rarely mentioned, as if the trip itself was veiled in mystery.

When S/S Ulua arrived in Le Havre from Sweden at the end of January 1947, the British authorities initially tried to stop it because it was unseaworthy to carry so many passengers.  To get the ship released, the 25-year old Ulua commander, Arieh Eliav, telephoned the Mossad office in Paris (Szwarc 2006), requesting help to get the ship moving. The commander's account gives testimony to the direct assistance he received from Jules Moch, the French Minister of Transportation. As a result, the maritime direction in the port of Le Havre issued a certificate of seaworthiness for the boat and S/S Ulua was able to continue its journey.  However, further obstacles by the British were anticipated when the ship commander received orders to pick up additional survivors stranded in Italy.  To avoid problems with the British, on February 21, 1946, instead of entering the port of Metaponto in Italy, the ship anchored close to the beach of Terento, where the Holocaust survivors were taken on board during the night, using rubber boats. In this way, some 684 additional survivors were successfully collected, bringing the total number of immigrants on board to 1384 on leaving Italy.

The language used by the Swedish Press

The press called the travelers "repatriandi", a seemingly ironic terminology, as these homeless people were not returning to their homes. At the same time, however, this was an official term used in Sweden for the war "refugees" coming to Sweden at the end of the war, while returning from the concentration camps, lagers, prisons, and other places as a result of the war. For example, the term "repatriandi" was used with respect to Polish, French, and Dutch concentration camp prisoners. The Jews have been excluded from that nomenclature at an early stage because it was understood that they really have nowhere to return to. Their homes have been taken over by others, and their families were completely wiped out. Nevertheless, in some reports, the Swedish journalists chose to use the term "repatriandi" when referring to the passengers of S/S Ulua as if to disregard the fact that the Swedish Refugee Council specifically excluded that term with respect to the Jews who lacked the protection of their homeland.

The peculiar thing about the Swedish newspaper articles about S/S Ulua's voyage is that, despite the large headlines and the extensive text, the journalists did not bother to explain the special case of the people on board and the desperate reason for their travel. At the same time, the press clearly described the abominable conditions of the boat that was barely seaworthy, and it clearly derided the ability of the boat to travel with so many people even for three hours to Le Havre.

The terms "Jewish refugees" and "repatriandi" are sometimes replaced by "Ulua passengers" and later by "Ulua immigrants", with the latter expression picked from the British media reflecting British opposition to immigration to Eretz Israel. The Holocaust survivors who were brought to Bergen Belsen from various camps at the end of WWII were named "Belsen prisoners". Belsen prisoners were people from different countries rescued in Bergen-Belsen by the British and who were carried on the UNRRA humanitarian Mission on White Boats to Sweden in June and July 1945. From the bias demonstrated by the press, it is evident that most of the names given to the ship and to the traveling survivors were either misleading or condescending.

The term "Judetransporterna" - "Jew-transports" was used in several articles about Ulua, and that term was also previously used in the Swedish press. In fact, a survey of the articles in the archives shows that it was precisely in 1942, the start of the Industrial Holocaust, when that expression gained its foothold in the press.  "Jew-transport" referred to the trains from the ghettos in Poland that rolled towards the death camps, and again, in 1944 when the Holocaust of the Hungarian Jews started with the daily transports to Auschwitz, and in 1945 when "Jewish transports" meant a rapid evacuation of remaining prisoners to concentration camps in central Germany due to the impending offensive of the Red Army and the allied forces. (Fig.6)

Strangely enough, the keyword "Judetransporterna" or "Jew-transports" reappears in 1947 in connection with the departure of the survivors on S / S Ulua from Trelleborg. Based on readily obtainable statistics, "Belsen" as the keyword is found one hundred and sixty-two (162) times in Dagens Nyheter and one hundred and sixty-one (161) times in Svenska Dagbladet, the morning papers, and similarly one hundred and seventy-five (175) times in the evening newspapers Expressen and one hundred and forty-three (143) times in Aftonbladet.

Earlier in 1945, Dagens Nyheter and several other Swedish newspapers coined and used a more empathetic term, "Belsen prisoner" for Bergen-Belsen  Holocaust survivors who came to Bergen-Belsen from various concentration camps and were brought to Sweden after. liberation of the camp at the end of WWII. One would expect the use of that term with respect to Ulua passengers who were recruited from this group. Instead, Ulua passengers were treated as an anonymous group carried by a "Judefartyg" ("Jewish ship") under "mysterious" and "obscure circumstances". One of the organizers of the trip, Günter Cohn, was called "the tour guide" or "manager" and its April 12, 1947 article, Expressen, wrote about  "Jewish traffic" while relating the information about the British inquiry and discussions with the Swedish Foreign Ministry.

On April 12, 1947, Expressen reports that the British asked the Swedish Foreign Ministry to investigate whether Sweden did not become a center for illegal Jewish emigration.  According to the paper, Sweden had assured the British that they had no legal means to prevent the Jews from leaving the country and even promised to undertake a thorough investigation by the Swedish police.  EX\xpressen nevertheless uses the pejorative term "Jew traffic" and calls the departure of Holocaust survivors from Trelleborg, "the Ulua" affair, suggesting an improper event. (Fig.7)

Follow Up on the Trip

Circumstances of the "Uluaresan" (Ulua trip) will not be known in the Swedish media until March 11, 1947. Dagens Nyheter is actually the only newspaper that provides some explanation, if indirectly, because in 1947 their reporters visited those Belsen survivors who stayed behind in Sweden ("Belsenungdom", the Belsen Youth). Young Belsen Holocaust survivors of the concentration camps brought to Sweden mainly on UNRRA's White Boats, were comrades, former fellow prisoners of those who previously had left Sweden on Ulua. Their description as orphans, half of them marked by tuberculosis, indirectly informed about the Ulua crowd.

Based on my previous research, published in 2020, "The Liberated 1945, White Boat Mission from Bergen-Belsen to Sweden", after a period of recuperation, almost all survivors wanted to leave Sweden in 1946. The countries they wanted to go to were mainly Eretz Israel, then the Mandate of Palestine and/or America. Few wanted to stay in Sweden or return to their home countries. That desire was already demonstrated at the time of registration and at the issuance of the so-called DP-2 cards. And the same wish was evident at Belsenungdom, when Dagens Nyheter visited on March 11, 1947. Tragically, the Holocaust survivors who left Sweden on S/S Ulua were taken by British prison ships to internment camps in Cyprus, put behind barbed wire, and guarded by armed British soldiers, reminiscent of the guards in the concentration camps just a few months before.(Fig.8)

In March 1947, the newspapers published information about what happened to those who left Sweden on S/S Ulua, later renamed "Haim Arlosoroff". They described their capture by the British and their life in an internment camp in Cyprus. According to the article in the Daily Telegraph published on March 1, 1947, the ship "Haim Arlosoroff", carrying 1,378 passengers from Sweden and Italy, was stopped on February 27, 1947, by the British. The Royal Navy fighter HMS Chieftain and other hunters repeatedly tried to get over the ship, but they encountered hard resistance. The ship was then deliberately sunk at Bat Galim, just south of Haifa, opposite a British army camp. The crew and passengers were arrested and deported to Cyprus. And yet, despite the hardships, a letter from the camp in Cyprus published later by Dagens Nyheter clearly indicates that the prisoners did not regret their trip and would have done it again. They looked forward to being transferred to Eretz Israel as soon as current quotas for Cypriot prisoners would allow it. (Fig.9)
As described in the book by Inga Gottfarb who spoke with the Jewish leaders in Sweden at the time, people in Jewish circles were very worried about the press. Everyone was well aware that the Swedish government's positive attitude towards emigration could change overnight. Newspaper coverage could easily provoke strong protests and pressure from the British government to stop the trip, and this was to be avoided by all means. This is why the information about the boat's arrival in Sweden was kept top secret. As recorded in the Gottfarb book, Günter Cohn, "the tour guide" of the trip, confirms both the plan for the journey and the generally favorable attitude of the Swedish authorities towards those passengers who obtained their home countries' or aliens' passports and visas. The exception was Swedish citizens who were not allowed to leave. Cohn shares with Gottfarb his fear of the potential British pressure that could be triggered by the Swedish press. Unaware of the leak by Trelleborgs Tidningen on January 22, 1947, revealing the details of the voyage, he describes to Gottfarb his shock on arrival in Trelleborg Harbor on January 23 when the ship was met at the quay by some twenty journalists.

Information about the boat's arrival had spread quickly and reached the newspaper's editorial offices early on January 23, 1947.  Günter Cohn had to hide from the journalists and he had gone on board of Ulua only in the evening after the press contingent was dispersed. Cohn traveled north early the next morning to meet the chartered train with passengers from Stockholm in order to bring them to Trelleborg. To his surprise, Dagens Nyheter, which he picked up at the station, described in detail and with photos the departure of the train he was waiting for from Stockholm Central station. The coverage of the trip was massive and oppressive. Gottfarb also relates Cohn's conviction that, although invisible, the British Secret Service was strongly opposed to the Jewish immigration to Eretz Israel, trying to stop it. As it turned out, Günter Cohen's fears had come true, and initially, the Trelleborg harbormaster did not allow survivors to board the boat. Instead, people huddled in the SJ train carriages rolled on the quay track next to S/S Ulua. Cohn quickly realized that an attempt to stop the trip must have occurred and proceeded to act quickly and forcefully. Engaging members of the group, he ordered an inspection of the ship that finally convinced the harbormaster to withdraw his objections. In the end, the survivors trapped on the train and those who came on buses are allowed to board. The departure was accelerated to respect the onset Jewish Sabbath, which fell at four o'clock. 

Gottfarb clearly considers Dagens Nyheter the initiator of the total media coverage, but she does not see that Ulua's departure gave rise to any official diplomatic protests. However, such protests were reported by the media later, and the newspaper coverage clearly affected Ulua's journey.  Even earlier than Dagens Nyheter, the information was published by Trelleborgs Tidningen. Further, the TT - Tidningarnas Telegrambyrå, jointly owned by the national and evening newspapers, compiled the information about Ulua for its customary news broadcast on the Swedish Radio called the "Latest news from Tidningarnas Telegrambyrå". It is not known, however, if the news about the S/S Ulua had actually been broadcast by the Swedish Radio.


Fig. 1. April 17, 1945. Bergen-Belsen after liberation. Survivors in the women's camp prepare a meal, peeling potatoes while behind them lie the naked, abandoned corpses of fellow prisoners who died before the liberation of the camp. A woman in the background seems to search for relatives among the bodies. The woman in the front left is Alice Lok. The woman laying on the ground in the front right may be Alice's sister, Edith, who died at the British hospital in Bergen-Belsen. Alice Lok came to Sweden on the UNRRA White Boat M/S Kronprinsessan Ingrid that left Lübeck for Sweden on July 10, 1945.

Fig. 2. The second requirement to leave Sweden was a valid entry visa to a recipient country. And here the problem was solved through an action of the Jewish Refugees Welfare Society who obtained a group visa to Cuba. This particular group visa was issued on August 5, 1946, for a group whose content to be specified at a later date but the visa was valid for only 6 months from the date of issue, or until February 5, 1947. (SHMA Archives, Wasserman Wroblewski, R).

Fig. 3. Articles about S/S Ulua appeared on the front pages of the newspapers, accompanied by photographs of the boat's journey. Even a full week after S/S Ulua left Trelleborg, on January 31, 1947, an article about Ulua's journey was placed on the front page of Dagens Nyheter, just next to a photo report from the funeral of Crown Prince Gustaf Adolf, who died in a plane crash at Kastrup Airport. Above, the report of the London correspondent of Dagens Nyheter writing about S/S Ulua being stopped in Le Havre.  (SHMA Archives, DN Archives, Wasserman Wroblewski, R).

Fig. 4. Holocaust Survivors on the afterdeck dancing Israeli dance Hora after S/SS Ulua left the port of Trelleborg. (SHMA Archives, photographer unknown, provided by Eli Nusbaum).

Fig.5. January 24 1947. Trelleborg harbor. Sweden. On the right on the quay, the chartered SJ train with third class carriages. To the left, the stern of the refurbished S/S Ulua. In the background, survivors embark the ship.(SHMA Archives, photographer unknown).

Fig. 6. Based on accessible statistics obtained from the digital searches at the Royal Library in Stockholm, Frequency of the use of the keyword "judetransporterna" - "Jew-transport". It shows that it was precisely in 1942, the start of the Industrial Holocaust, when that expression gained its foothold in the press. " Jew-transport" referred to the trains from the ghettos in Poland that rolled towards the death camps, and again, in 1944 when the Holocaust of the Hungarian Jews started with the daily transports to Auschwitz, and in 1945 when "Jew-transports" meant a rapid evacuation of remaining prisoners to concentration camps in central Germany due to the impending offensive of the Red Army and the allied forces.

Fig. 7. On April 12, 1947, Expressen reports that the British asked the Swedish Foreign Ministry to investigate whether Sweden did not become a center for illegal Jewish emigration. According to the paper, Sweden had assured the British that they had no legal means to prevent the Jews from leaving the country and promised to undertake a thorough investigation by the Swedish police. Expressen nevertheless uses the pejorative term, "Jew traffic", and calls the departure of Holocaust survivors from Trelleborg "the Ulua affair," suggesting an improper event

Fig. 8. Olga Deutsch from Karcascomor, Hungary, was 9 when WWII started. Olga. Taken to Auschwitz where her mother and two sisters were murdered, Olga was an object of Dr. Mengele's "selektion" at the ramp and a subject of his medical experiments. From Auschwitz, she was transferred to KL Buchenwald where she was a slave worker at Krupp in Essen. Liberated from the concentration camp in Bergen-Belsen, Olga was brought to Sweden on UNRRAs White Boat M/S Ingrid that left Lübeck on July 7, 1944. A passenger on Ulua/Haim Arlosoroff, she was captured on the ship in Haifa and was taken to the British detention camp in Cyprus. In 1947 she was brought back to Haifa and transferred to the British detention camp in Atlith, south of the city. Upon her release in August 1947, she was registered, photographed, and received a permanent permit to stay.  (Arolsen Archives, SHMA Archives, Israel State Archives).

Fig. 9. February 27, 1947. S/S Haim Arlosoroff (S/S Ulua) on the beach at Bat Galim in Haifa. Holocaust survivors are being taken by Z-80 lighters, landing ships to three prison ships in order to be taken to a detention camp in Cyprus. (SHMA Archives, photographer unknown).



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Newspapers
Trelleborgs Tidning: 22 januari 1947.Dagens Nyheter: 31 januari 1947, 1 februari 1947, 11 mars 1947, 11 april 1947,Svenska Dagbladet: 24 januari 1947, 19 februari 1947. 8 augusti 1948. Söderhamns Tidning: 28 januari 1947.Aftonbladet: 24 januari 1947, 17 februari 1947, 20 februari 1947, 24 februari 1947, 6 mars 1947; Expressen: 24 januari 1947, 25 januari 1947, 14 februari 1947, 28 februari 1947, 12 april 1947.The Daily Telegraph. Jews fight the boarding party of Haifa. 1 mars 1947. 
Literature
Eliav, Arie L. 1969. The Voyage of the Ulua. (New York: Funk and Wagnalls). 
Glück, Emil et al. `Hachshara and Youth Aliyah in Sweden 1933-1948`. (2016). (Glück, Emil, Diamond, Judith, Glick, Yaël).
Gottfarb Inga. `Den livsfarliga glömskan`. (Wiken förlag), 1986
ISBN 9170243336.
Greenfield, Murray S.; Hochstein, Joseph M. (1987). The Jews' Secret Fleet: The Untold Story of North American Volunteers Who Smashed the British Blockade of Palestine. (Jerusalem and New York: Gefen Publishing House). ISBN 978-965-229-517-0.
Stewart, Ninian (2002). The Royal Navy and the Palestine Patrol. (London and Portland OR. Frank Cass Publishing. ISBN 0-7146-5210-5.
Swarc, Alan. 2006. `Illegal Immigration to Palestine 1945-1948: The French Connection`.  (University of London, PhD theses).
Wasserman Wroblewski R. 2020. `The Liberated 1945. White Boat Mission from Bergen-Belsen to Sweden`. (Stockholm: Swedish Holocaust Memorial Association). ISBN 978-91-986601-2-8
Wroblewski R. 1995. `6 tusen av 6 miljoner: ett requiem`, Swedish Holocaust Memorial Association (Föreningen Förintelsens Minne) ISBN 9163036126, 207 pages.
Movies and Homepages
The Illegals - movie. 1947. Levin Meyer Levin, director, 72 Minutes, 1947.
De Befriade. Wasserman Wroblewski R. Föreningen Förintelsens Minne, 2020. https://www.shma.online
Archives
The Royal Library, National Library of Sweden, Stockholm, Sweden.National Archives in Stockholm (Riksarkivet, Marieberg)Arolsen Archives, Bad Arolsen.Swedish Holocaust Memorial Association Archives, Stockholm.Israel State Archives, Jerusalem.