Wednesday, May 6, 2026

Low-temperature vacuum embedding process (LTVEP)

Photo of liver processed in LTVEP, taken in the electron microscope. The tissues section was not stained, so the density of the organelles is the original one. The Middle of the cell is occupied by the cell nucleus, and nucleoli can be easily seen in the 5 o'clock position. Also, nuclear pores and double nuclear membranes can be seen. Numerous dark spots in the cell are mitochondria. In the 4 o´clock position, outside the nucleus, the rough endoplasmic reticulum can be easily discerned.



Low-temperature vacuum embedding process (often associated with LTVEP) is a specialized tissue processing technique designed to dehydrate and embed biological samples—such as donor corneas or research tissue—without the damaging effects of high heat or chemical fixation.  The apparatus and the process were developed by Dr. Romuald (Roman) Wróblewski at Karolinska Institute in Stockholm.

Core Process Characteristics:
  • Temperature & Vacuum: The technique uses a vacuum in a freeze-dryer to manipulate the boiling point of water, allowing tissue to dehydrate at low temperatures. To prevent freezing damage, the vacuum pressure is typically managed to stay above a certain threshold (e.g., >1.5 mbar).
  • Low-Temperature Vacuum Embedding Process (LTVEP) was often used with specialized resins that, after dehydration in the specialized freeze-dryer, allow infiltration and polymerization at sub-zero temperatures, sometimes as low as -60°C, to preserve ultrastructure. During the entire procedure, freeze-drying, infiltration by low viscosity resins, and polymerization, the tissue is kept in the same tube in the freeze-dryer. First, after the polymerisation using UV-light at low temperature, the sample is allowed to reach room temperature.
Key Advantages:
  • Excellent Structural Preservation: Prevents shrinkage, brittleness, and hardening caused by overheating.
  • Biological Integrity: Maintains the biological characteristics of tissues, including extracellular matrix structures.
  • Bio-molecule Preservation: Ideal for preserving DNA, RNA, and proteins, often allowing for fresh tissue transportation.
  • Sterilization & Stability: Enables long-term, room-temperature storage of all biological tissues.
  • Immunoreactivity: Preserves antigens, making the tissue suitable for subsequent immunogold labeling in electron microscopy

Reviews - With Korczak Through Life by Michał Wróblewski

 


Review of the English Edition

The book With Korczak Through Life by Michał Wróblewski (1911–1993), edited by his son Roman Wróblewski, is a rarity on the English publishing market. It belongs to the autoethnographic, autobiographical, and memoirist tradition. Although it is not a scholarly publication, it contains an extraordinarily valuable testimony to a bygone era. The book is, in every respect, magical; it transports readers to pre-war Warsaw, conveying the spirit of the times and the socio-historical atmosphere.

Professor Anna Odrowąż-Coates,

President of the International Korczak Association.


Review of the First Polish Edition

Few could write about Korczak like this. Closely, simply, intimately, about the essence of his talent, method, and humanity through his own experience and life. For me, Michał Wróblewski was my main source of knowledge when I was preparing the script for a film about Korczak.

Movie director Agnieszka Holland.

 

Michał Wróblewski’s book is a personal and authentic account of his encounter with Janusz Korczak and his ideals. Coming from Pinsk to Warsaw for studies, Wróblewski became a boarder at the Home. He learned about Korczak's unique educational methods and, under his influence, changed his plans and began studying pedagogy. He became one of the most committed educators and participants in daily life at the “House for Recovered Childhood” on Krochmalna Street. His memoir consists of portraits of the Home’s residents and staff, as well as, of course, the Old Doctor himself, a description of the Home's rules of coexistence and operation, and his own extremely valuable reflections, observations, and comments. A modest book, yet wise, insightful, and moving.

Professor Barbara Engelking.



Sunday, May 3, 2026

The Living Legacy: The Spread of the Korczak Concept in Three Orphanages - Warszawa x 2 and Będzin x 1.

An orphanage for Jewish children in Bedzin. Identified in the photo: Fela Zyndorf (Zondorf), the child care worker, in the center, wearing glasses; Caregiver Ala Gertner (?), second row from the top, third from right. Photographed in 1941. ?- Another Ala Gertner was hanged in Auschwitz.

Korczak's connection to Będzin Orphanage was also deeply personal. Historical records from February 6, 1930, show that Korczak traveled to the Zagłębie region at the invitation of the TOZ society. During this visit, he gave a lecture specifically for the children at the Orphanage in Będzin before speaking in the evening to adults in Sosnowiec.



The Living Legacy: The Spread of the Korczak Concept in Three Orphanages - Warszawa x 2 and Będzin x 1.

Janusz Korczak’s system wasn't just a "local experiment in Warsaw", but a living movement carried forward also by his "disciples"—the former students and staff who became educators themselves. Also in the youth newspaper Mały Przegląd and his books, the ideas of self-governing, child courts, and similar were always present.

The "Korczak Rules" were never meant to be confined to the walls of Dom Sierot at 92 Krochmalna Street or at Nasz Dom at Bielany. Janusz Korczak and his close collaborators, Stefania Wilczyńska and Maryna Falska, viewed their orphanages as "laboratories" (I know, wrong word) for a new way of treating children. It was not a vision; Korczak´s system was carried across Poland and beyond through several channels.

The spread by "Bursa" educators
At both Dom Sierot (the Jewish orphanage) and Nasz Dom (the Christian home), Korczak established a Bursa—a dormitory for student teachers and older alumni. These young educators lived in the community, practiced the "Children's Republic" model daily, and then took those concepts to other institutions.

A National Network
Graduates from these Bursas became teachers at orphanages and schools across Poland (and abroad). When they arrived at places like the Bais Jatom orphanage in Będzin, they brought the "Korczak concept" with them—fully implementing children’s courts and parliaments to maintain human dignity even under the shadow of the Nazi occupation.

Spiritual Resistance in the Ghettos
During the Holocaust, the Korczak system became a form of spiritual resistance. In several orphanages, staff members (many of whom were influenced by Korczak or by his way of treating the children used these rules to give children a sense of agency and justice in a world that offered neither. I remember the story of a young teacher who became responsible for the group of boys at the Orphanage at Wolnosc Street in the Warsaw Ghetto. She was looking for the advice in Korczak's books.

Post-War Continuity in Jewish Orphanages at Rabka and Zakopane - Lena Küchler-Silberman
The system’s resilience was proven after the war ended. Lena Küchler-Silberman, who famously rescued 100 Jewish children (the "One Hundred Children"), utilized Korczak’s pedagogical principles in the orphanages she established in Rabka and Zakopane between 1945 and 1946. Küchler faced the daunting task of rehabilitating children who had survived camps and forest hideouts. She turned to the Korczak model of self-governance and mutual respect to help these traumatized youth transition from survival mode back into a community of trust and responsibility.

Third Orphanage in Poland with Korczak´s rules - Będzin
According to the story of the Kalkopf sisters (Guta, Gitla born 1926, and Dorotka, Dwojra born 1930), the Bedzin orphanage was a "Korczak Orphanage". Sisters, who survived the Holocaust and came to Sweden with the UNRRA-mission White Boats. I found that it was not an isolated anecdote; sisters said that they met Korczak at their orphanage, and Dorotka was sitting on his knees when he was telling stories.
According to Dorotka's daughter, the headmistress of the orphanage had probably worked with Dr. Korczak, as the children were treated very well and raised in the spirit of Korczak. Unfortunately, my mother did not know the headmistress's name; she only knew that she came from Warsaw and was probably one of the Bursa students at Korczak's orphanage (Dom Sierot) in Warszawa. Their story about Korczak visiting Będzin was confirmed by a former child from the orphanage, Isadore Hollander* in his oral testimony (from 1982, the Gratz College Oral History Archive). He described their entire Korczak system there.
 Architectural Design as part of Pedagogy and Hygiene
Korczak´s influence was even reflected in the physical structures of the orphanage homes. Three specific buildings stand as monuments to this cooperation: Dom Sierot in Warsaw and the Bais Jatom in Będzin were both designed by the architect Henryk Stifelman in close cooperation with Korczak. Similarly, the Nasz Dom building was designed by Zygmunt Tarasin, also in collaboration with Korczak.
The design was intentional. As a former resident, Dorotka Kalkopf recalls the Będzin home:
“The manager lived on the first floor, where there was also a library, a room with a piano, and a dining room. The girls' dormitory was on the second floor, and the boys' was on the third. The kitchen was located downstairs, and food was sent up via a lift.”
Blueprints show the facility was built for over fifty children. Notably, the dormitories in Będzin featured extra-large windows, mirroring the design of Dom Sierot in Warsaw—a physical manifestation of Korczak's desire to bring light, air, and transparency into the lives of orphans.

Part of Isadore Hollander's (IH) oral testimony (from 1982, the Gratz College Oral History Archive).
IH: Being accepted to an orphanage, was the best thing that had ever happened to me. It was a very well establishment, well-known in Europe, all over Poland and Europe. And it was established with the Charter by one of the well-
known Jewish people in Warsaw which he wrote, and he was a director of an orphanage,
Janusz Korczak.1 And...
JF: He was also, then, responsible for the establishment...
IH: No, he wasn’t, but we accepted his charter, how to raise children, how to
train us, how to make us good people, educated people, because he used a charter.
Children have to have a charter, on how to act. When I was 11 years of age, I was a president
from, I was the president of the board. And I ran an organization, like a children’s
organization. I read a constitution with paragraphs. And we all had duties as children. One
child had to learn how to cook. Two children had to know how to make breakfast for the
rest of the children. We were boys and girls. We were about 75 children in the orphanage.
JF: This constitution, you wrote or you read?
IH: No, this was written and adopted, from Janusz.
JF: I see.
IH: Korczak.
JF: I see.
IH: He was the one who wrote the constitution for children...
JF: I see.
IH: To govern an institution, like orphans. Now every institution has their own
constitution, their own by-laws, and laws. But this was given and then we adopted it, by
the well-known neurologist who became interested in the well-being of children all over Poland and
advocated advanced progressive ideas. He became head of an orphanage in the Warsaw Ghetto and perished with the children.
Janusz, from Janusz Korczak. And we did very well, and it did to me special being there,
for the time, till the age of 15. It did very good, because I was educated. I went to public school for seven years. I went three years to night school to finish like a...
JF: Like high school?
IH: Yeah, to the grade of high school. And being taught a trade as a tailor. And...
JF: You said you were president of the...
IH: I was being elected...
JF: Your, the group.
IH: Every year. Every year we had an election. We changed. One year when I
was president, the other year I could have been a secretary. We changed. We had a group, 
and maybe the third year I wasn’t on the board. Because we had 75 to 80 children in the
orphanage. So it changes, but everybody had a duty, from the children, to clean the rooms
we slept, to clean the bathrooms, to wash the dishes, to prepare breakfast, to give out dinner,
to stay at the dinner and give out the dinner for the children, to hang the laundry. Duties
were for every child to do. We played theaters. I was awarded when I was eight years of
age. I was awarded for playing the theater...
JF: You were an actor.
IH: In the show. And in comedy and any other thing. And I myself have a
very good sense of humor, and I am very liked by people. In a very
short time I am liked by people. And, but that’s life, the way it’s supposed to be, I think so.
It’s the way I was taught.
JF: It seems like you feel that you were taught a great deal of these
characteristics at the orphanage.
IH: Absolutely. It gave me a good deed. That’s a shame that I couldn’t use any
better ways to be more educated, going to school, but it didn’t, time didn’t permit. I wanted
to grow up fast, to start to earn a living and help my mother.
JF: Were you seeing her during those years?
IH: I, yes, we were allowed every weekend, Saturday afternoon, to go home to
see parents. Children who didn’t have anybody to see, one child took the other.
JF: So you must have gone with someone?
IH: And we went, I went to see my mother. I went to see my aunt, and I went to
see my grandmother, one of my grandmother’s, my father’s mother. I used to go every
Shabbas. And she had for me put away fruit, and anything she grew, the apples. She was,
but I was the only orphan, and she just, I was like an eye, an apple in her eye. She watched
my yahrzeit I shouldn’t miss, after my father. And in the orphanage did the same thing. We
were educated every one in Yiddish and in those years we were allowed Hebrew. And the
time went by till I was 15 and I had to step out from there.
JF: Were you also, you mentioned that you were educated in Yiddish and
Hebrew?
IH: In Yiddish, very well in you know, Chumash and...

* From "Oral History Interview with Isadore Hollander": Isadore Hollander, born 1920 in Paris, France, describes moving to Bendin (Bedzin), Poland with his Polish parents and older sister in 1923; the pre-war Jewish community; his father’s death and living from ages 11 to 15 in an orphanage, which operated according to Janusz Korczak guidelines; his mother’s re-marriage; joining a Zionist youth group; the growing antisemitism in Poland; the German invasion in September 1939 and running from town to town to avoid forced labor, until he was captured and sent to work in a coal mine in Javorzno near Krakow, Poland; escaping to Russian-occupied Poland and living in Lvov (L'viv, Ukraine) at the beginning of 1940; avoiding imprisonment for “illegal” business by registering for work in Russia; being assigned to Stalino coal mine in the Donbas region; escaping to Rovno (Rivne, Ukraine) and his religious life there from the winter of 1940 to June 1941; the establishment of the Rovno ghetto and escaping from slave labor with help from former Polish soldiers; living with 10 other Jews in near by forests until 1943; having minimal contact with Polish partisans due to mutual suspicion; serving in the Polish Army; witnessing the German-evacuated Majdanek; his life as a Polish soldier including revenge he and other Jewish soldiers took on Volkdeutsche Poles; returning at the end of the war to Bendin and meeting his future wife; their escape from Poland and life in Deggendorf displaced persons camp in Bavaria, Germany; and immigrating to the United States and settling in Philadelphia, PA in 1947.

The names of all the children who lived in the Jewish Orphanage on Sienkiewicza 19 in 1939, according to the Bedzin Census:

Dawid ABRAMCZYK;
Chana ADLERFLIEGEL
Frajndla BERGMAN
Chana BERMAN
Chaja CYMBERG
Gitla DLUGONOGA
Lejbus FLUM
Sara GLASS
Berisz GOLDFELD
Gitla GOSLEWSKI
Chaim GUTENCAJG i Zalma GUTENCAJG
Mosze HOPFENBERG
Dwojra KALKOPF i Gitla KALKOPF *
Masza KUPCZYK
Chaim PENCZAK
Wolf STRÓZ/ZELMANOWICZ
Gitla SZAFIR, Josef Chaim SZAFIR i Rajzla SZAFIR
Urysz SZAJNTAL
Frajdla SZWIMER
Brajndla TRAJMAN i Sura Chawa TRAJMAN.

In addition, the following people lived in the orphanage:
Gustawa BROSS (an official)
Chuna GOLDSZTAJN (a worker) and his family
Chil and Wolf GOLDSZTAJN
Rachela GRYNBAUM (a worker).

In 1942, the Jewish police, under the orders of Hersz BARENBLAT, rounded up all the children in the orphanage and shipped them to their deaths in Auschwitz.




Zdjęcia ze strony na Facebooku - Bedzin Research Group.




Granice Getta Warszawskiego na niemieckich mapach z 1942 i 1943 roku.

Zmiany granic getta warszawskiego w latach 1942–1943 były bezpośrednio związane z procesem jego stopniowej likwidacji i drastycznym zmniejszaniem populacji żydowskiej w wyniku deportacji do obozów zagłady.

Na niemieckiej mapie Warszawy z 1944 roku nie ma już zaznaczonych granic getta, nawet nie ma zaznaczonych torów z Umszlagu.


Zmiany granic getta warszawskiego w latach 1942–1943 były bezpośrednio związane z procesem jego stopniowej likwidacji i drastycznym zmniejszaniem populacji żydowskiej w wyniku deportacji do obozów zagłady.
Główne etapy zmian terytorialnych
Sytuacja w 1942 roku przed Wielką Deportacją (bordowe granice na mapie).
  • Wielka Akcja (lipiec–wrzesień 1942): Przed rozpoczęciem deportacji getto obejmowało ok. 307 hektarów. Po wywiezieniu blisko 300 tys. osób do obozu w Treblince, obszar dzielnicy został radykalnie ograniczony poprzez wyłączenie z getta jego południową część, tzw. Małe Getto.
  • Likwidacja "Małego Getta": W sierpniu 1942 roku Niemcy wyłączyli z getta jego południową część (tzw. Małe Getto), obejmującą m.in. tereny wokół placu Grzybowskiego i ulicy Pańskiej. Jedynym łącznikiem między obiema częściami był drewniany most nad ulicą Chłodną, który został rozebrany po odcięciu tej części dzielnicy.
  • Getto Szczątkowe (wrzesień 1942 – kwiecień 1943): Po zakończeniu Wielkiej Akcji getto przestało być spójnym obszarem mieszkalnym. Stało się zbiorem odizolowanych enklaw, tzw. "szopów" (zakładów produkcyjnych pracujących na potrzeby armii niemieckiej), w których skoszarowano pozostałych przy życiu Żydów.
    • Główna część (Getto Centralne): Obejmowała tereny w rejonie ulic Gęsiej, Zamenhofa i Nalewek.
    • Tereny szopów: Oddzielone od getta centralnego pasami "strony aryjskiej" (np. szop Toebbensa i Schultza w rejonie ul. Leszno i Karmelickiej). 
Sytuacja w 1943 roku przed powstaniem w kwietniu (niebieskie granice na mapie).
  • Powstanie i ostateczna likwidacja: W kwietniu 1943 roku, w momencie wybuchu powstania, walki toczyły się już na znacznie mniejszym, "szczątkowym" obszarze. Niemcy systematycznie niszczyli i palili dom po domu, co doprowadziło do fizycznego unicestwienia zabudowy getta.
  • Symboliczny koniec: Po stłumieniu powstania w maju 1943 roku, granice getta praktycznie przestały istnieć, a cały jego teren został zamieniony w morze ruin.

„Mordchaj (Anielewicz) był komendantem powstania i padł jak dowódca. Zazdroszczę mu, że zginął i nie widzi zburzenia i zagłady, oraz naszych dusz dotychczas widniejących nad ruinami...”


Neged Hazerem (Pod Prąd), Haszomer Hacair, nr 4, Warszawa, maj 1941. Jednym z redaktorów był Mordechaj Anielewicz.

Chajka Klinger z Będzina, urywki:

W owych dniach otrzymaliśmy pierwszą paczkę gazety „Neged Hazerem”. Paczka przybyła w worku od mięsa. Na pierwszej stronie była wielka plama czerwona. Plama ta była dla nas jakby symbolem — krwią naszą będziemy pisali, działali, organizowali i bronili się. W Zagłębiu panowała wówczas ogólna atmosfera burzliwych dyskusji na temat drogi ruchu. Życie było jeszcze normalne, towarzysze dyskutowali o zagadnieniach światowych: o przyszłości Europy, podziemiu socjalistycznym, pozycji narodu żydowskiego. W tym burzliwym okresie dyskusyjnym przybył do nas Mordchaj. Mimo, iż był młody, od razu zgłębił zagadnienia, które znajdowały się w centrum naszej walki ideowej. Przewidywał, co nas oczekuje. Trzeźwo oceniał rzeczywistość i znając sytuację, wyciągał wnioski odnośnie drogi ruchu. Zdarł zasłonę, która oddzielała nasz spokojny świat od sytuacji w Generalnym Gubernatorstwie. Opowiadał o stacjach doświadczalnych w Chełmnie i o zagładzie. Byliśmy oszołomieni. Wówczas opowiedział nam również o ruchu, o idei samoobrony. Mówił wolno i ostrożnie. Pamiętam, jakie wrażenie wywarły na nas jego słowa o postawie naszych towarzyszy w Nowogródku, po wybuchu wojny niemiecko-radzieckiej. Wszyscy obwarowali się w swoim gnieździe i stawili zbrojny opór Niemcom, aż padli w boju.
Mordchaj zakończył obrady kilkoma referatami o kwestii narodowej. Najbardziej interesującym i najpiękniejszym w tych referatach było jego samodzielne podejście. Ogólne wytyczne w jego referatach oparte były na indywidualnym i źródłowym punkcie widzenia. Lecz podstawowe założenia przystosował do nowych warunków. Wprawdzie wśród nas byli również towarzysze, uświadomieni ideologicznie, lecz Mordchaj potrafił wznieść się na poziom historycznej oceny, ugruntować zasady ruchu, wytyczyć nową linię odpowiadającą okresowi wojny.
Mordchaja cechowała niezwykła synteza właściwości niespotykanych na ogół u jednego człowieka: zmysłu naukowego, dokładności i obiektywności, linii ideowej i perspektywy ideologicznej, a jednocześnie zmysłu organizacyjnego, odwagi i zdolności realizacji. Pamiętam wieczory i noce, które Mordchaj spędził w Będzinie, szukając przedwojennych materiałów o pracy ruchu w Zagłębiu. „Tego rodzaju materiały zbieram również w Warszawie — mówił. — Jeżeli padniemy w boju, dokumenty te pozostaną dla przyszłych pokoleń”.
Pamiętam również inny moment. Pewnego razu szliśmy ulicą. Nagle rozpoczęła się strzelanina. Wszyscy instynktownie ukrywamy się w jednym z zaułków. Po kilku chwilach wychodzimy z ukrycia. Mordchaj znikł. Po krótkim czasie wrócił. „Chciałem przekonać się, co się wydarzyło” — rzekł spokojnie. Nigdy nie krył się, widząc policjantów lub esesowców. „Lepiej przejść obok nich śmiało — mówił — to jest pewniejsze”. Rozmawiałam pewnego razu z Frumką o naszych towarzyszach, kierujących działalnością w Warszawie. Mordchaj jest najmłodszy — powiedziała ona, — jest w pełnym tego słowa znaczeniu, człowiekiem. Ugruntował dwie nowe idee: 1) przygotowanie do konkretnego oporu, do obrony — jako zasadniczej drogi ruchu w okresie wojny. 2) Pozycję narodu żydowskiego, a szczególnie młodzieży, wobec rozgrywających się dokoła nas wydarzeń.


Nadeszły wiadomości o powstaniu. W całym kraju rozeszły się wieści i legendy. Opowiadano, że powstanie objęło całe getto, że samoobrona jest silna. Opowiadano, że bojownicy walczą w mundurach niemieckich oficerów, że opanowali cytadelę, że wdarli się do aryjskich dzielnic miasta. Podawano, że w getcie całkowita władza spoczywa w rękach powstańców, działa jak gdyby dyrektoriat, jak w czasie rewolucji francuskiej, a na czele stoi Mordchai. Mówiono, że policja żydowska poddała się i powiadomiła Niemców, że władza w getcie należy do Organizacji Bojowej, że bojownicy zdobyli tanki i używają ich w walce. Wieści rozpowszechniły się w takiej mierze, że Polacy zazdrościli nam.

A potem nadeszły ostatnie wiadomości: wszyscy padli. Mordchaj zginął. Tosi nie ma. Arie również padł. Straszna cisza zapanowała. Lecz mimo wielkiego bólu, cierpień i smutku, serca nasze napełniły się uczuciem dumy. To, co zaszło, było słuszne — mówiliśmy. Nie powiedzą już, że ani jeden strzał nie padł, w okresie, gdy zgładzono milionowe żydostwo. Dotarły do nas wieści o bohaterstwie Mordchaja. 

Nadeszły jego słowa, które pisał w czasie walk do Icchaka Cukiermana:
„Jestem szczęśliwy, że przybyłem w tej chwili, oczy moje widzą granat i pistolet w rękach Żyda i przeżywam ostatni bój Żydów warszawskich... Jestem gotów na śmierć. Wydaje mi się, że urodziłem się tylko dla takiego życia, że dla tej roli wyrosłem, a w końcu walki powinienem również skończyć ze sobą..”
Pamiętam także list, który otrzymaliśmy po powstaniu od Cywii. Pisała ona: 
„Mordchaj był komendantem powstania i padł jak dowódca. Zazdroszczę mu, że zginął i nie widzi zburzenia i zagłady, oraz naszych dusz dotychczas widniejących nad ruinami...”

Saturday, May 2, 2026

From Korczak’s Circle to the Underground: Chajka Klinger and the "Condemnation to Life".



In the photograph from the Ha-Shomer Ha-Tzair seminar in Michalin, a young girl with an oblong face sits on the ground to the left of Janusz Korczak (here in the left corner). This is Chajka Klinger—one of the most important heroines of the Jewish resistance movement in Poland during World War II.

 

Condemned to Life: Chajka Klinger, Co-founder and Leader of the Jewish Fighting Organization (ŻOB) in Będzin.
In the photograph from the Ha-Shomer Ha-Tzair seminar in Michalin, a young girl with an oblong face sits on the ground to the left of Janusz Korczak. This is Chajka Klinger—one of the most important heroines of the Jewish resistance movement in Poland during World War II. It is extraordinary that this single photograph captured not only Klinger and Korczak, but also two other young women who were later recognized as legendary heroes: Tosia Altman, who became a key courier and hero of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, and Chajka Grossman, a leader of the Białystok Ghetto Uprising and later a member of the Knesset. At that moment in Michalin, they were simply students and dreamers; soon, they would become the 'lionesses' of the underground.
Chajka Klinger was a key figure of the underground in the Będzin Ghetto and was the first to deliver written testimonies about the ghetto uprisings (including Warsaw) to Eretz Israel. She was born in Będzin to a poor Hasidic family. Despite a traditional upbringing, she secretly graduated from a modern gymnasium and, in 1934, joined the left-wing Zionist youth movement Ha-Shomer Ha-Tzair. She devoted herself entirely to the organization—becoming an instructor, then an editor of the movement's newspaper, and a member of the leadership. The organization filled the role of a family and became an alternative to her traditional home.
In 1938, Chajka went to Kalisz for hachshara (pioneer training), where she spent a year preparing for emigration to Palestine to join Kibbutz Galon. She and her fiancé, Dawid Kozłowski, had their departure scheduled for September 5, 1939.
Mordechai Anielewicz secretly arrived in Będzin from Warsaw and shared information with the shomerim (members) about the approaching Holocaust. He proposed that the youth participate in the Jewish conspiracy. Chajka was enchanted by Anielewicz and the idea of struggle. She would later write:
'We do not want to defend ourselves, for we cannot—but to die with dignity, as humans. (...) No revolutionary movement, let alone a youth movement, has ever faced such problems as we have—faced with death. We stood face to face with it and found an answer. (...) Guerrilla warfare and defense.' 'The Jewish Fighting Organization (ŻOB) was created. It was built on principles quite different from educational organizations like Ha-Shomer Ha-Tzair; here, iron-clad, hard discipline and military efficiency prevailed.'
During the occupation, she was one of the founders and leaders of the ŻOB in Będzin. She organized self-defense, acquired weapons, and prepared bunkers for the fighters.
She was 'Condemned to Life' because, during the liquidation of the ghetto, her comrades decided that Chajka must survive to tell the world about their struggle and the fate of the Jews in Poland. During the final liquidation of the Będzin Ghetto (August 1943), Chajka was hiding in a bunker. She was captured with a weapon in her hand and subjected to brutal torture by the Gestapo. Battered and wounded, she was sent to the barracks of the transit camp (Umschlagplatz), from where Jews were loaded into cattle cars destined for Auschwitz. Because she was briefly assigned to a group cleaning the ghetto area, she managed to slip away unnoticed and escape to the 'Aryan side.' For about four months, she hid with Polish families—the Kobylecs and the Banasiks—in Michałkowice and Dąbrówka Małej, where she wrote down her testimony of the Holocaust.
Her harrowing diaries became one of the earliest and most detailed documents of the Jewish resistance. In them, she described, among other things, the attitude of the Judenrats, which she judged very harshly. In 1944, she reached Palestine, where her reports caused a shock. For the rest of her life, she struggled with 'survivor’s trauma' and the guilt of not having died alongside her brothers-in-arms. She committed suicide on April 18, 1958, the eve of the fifteenth anniversary of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising."
Eliazer Geller and Mordechai Anielewicz secretly arrived in Będzin from Warsaw and shared information with the shomerim (members) about the approaching Holocaust.