Statistik av Vita bussar spetsad med Vita Tåg - Hur humanitära insatser användes som politisk tvättomat.

Eva Weisz kom till Malmö Färjestation den 4 maj 1945. Hon dog inovember 1945.

Dokumentation om Vita bussarnas transporter av flyende tysksvenskar (Nur für Deutsche) finns i den tyske fotografen Heinrich Ahrens arkiv. Han var en tysk fotograf och medhjälpare till Röda Korset i Lübeck. På bilden tysksvenskar med väskor på väg till Sverige.

Vem vågar skriva sanning om de Vita bussarna? Var det den svenska regeringen som bestämde att flyende tyskar skulle få resa in på en "Kollektivvisering" och bli tilldelade "Nödfallsvisering". Familjen, alla tyska medborgare som reste in den 4 april 1945, skulle övernatta i Djursholm.

Fick detta tidningsurklipp från en överlevande (flickan i vänstra nedre hörnan) som kom med den Sista Äkta Vita Bussen den 28 april 1945. Hon skrev på polska Frihet!!! Fria människor.

Att spetsa historien: Myten om de Vita bussarnas omfattning

Den officiella historieskrivningen kring de Vita bussarna har länge präglats av en statistisk manipulation – en medveten spetsning genom urval. Genom att manipulera urvalskriterierna för vilka som räknades till missionen, lyckades Svenska Röda Korset blåsa upp siffrorna och dölja den bittra verkligheten: att antalet icke-nordiska fångar, särskilt judiska överlevande, som faktiskt räddades av bussarna var slående lågt.

Urvalsmanipulationen genom "spöktåg"
När Vita bussarnas mission officiellt avslutades den 28 april 1945, var resultatet för icke-nordiska fångar begränsat. För att "spetsa" statistiken och ge sken av en mer omfattande humanitär insats, valde man att i efterhand inkludera tusentals människor som anlände till Padborg med två så kallade "spöktåg". Dessa tågtransporter skedde efter att den faktiska bussmissionen avslutades och var inte en del av den ursprungliga räddningsinsatsen, men genom att flytta gränserna för urvalet införlivades de i den officiella statistiken.

En skev fördelning
Denna spetsning döljer det faktum att antalet judar från Ravensbrück som kom med de Vita bussarna var drygt 1 500 – en siffra som bleknar i jämförelse med antalet tysksvenskar som prioriterades. Genom att "vattna ur" statistiken med tågtransporterna kunde man dölja denna selektiva prioritering och skapa en bild av en universell humanitär succé.

Vi måste förkasta den officiella statistiken som en produkt av historisk manipulation. Genom att manipulera urvalet spetsade man siffrorna för att tjäna ett politiskt syfte, snarare än att redovisa den faktiska logistiken och de moraliska val som gjordes på marken i krigets slutskede.

Att radera historien om transittågen
Detta statistiska trollkonststycke fungerade över förväntan. I skenet av de "tiotusentals räddade" och de vita bussarnas glans, "glömde" de allierade bekvämt bort de tusentals tyska militära transittågen som under krigsåren rullat genom Sverige med ammunition och soldater.

De 6 789 kvinnorna från "spöktågen" och de 10 000 personerna i UNRRA-kvoten blev de brickor i det statistiska spelet som tvättade bort minnet av tysktågen. Sverige köpte sig en plats vid de godas bord, och priset betalades med en manipulerad historieskrivning där verkligheten om de få – de drygt 1 500 judiska överlevande från bussarna – gömdes bakom uppblåsta miljonprogram av humanitär propaganda (bl.a. Bernadottes bok "Slutet").

UNRRA-aktionen som alibi

Som en del av en tyst uppgörelse med segermakterna åtog sig Sverige den så kallade UNRRA-aktionen (Vita Båtar), där man lovade att ta hand om 10 000 tidigare koncentrationslägerfångar och Displaced Persons (DPs). Genom att blanda samman dessa senare hjälpinsatser med den ursprungliga Vita buss-missionen, skapade man en dimridå av humanism. Det visar hur humanitära insatser användes som politisk tvättomat.

Den tysta uppgörelsen: Humanism som politisk valuta

Den massiva spetsningen av räddningssiffrorna och den aggressiva propagandan om 50 000–60 000 räddade var en existentiell nödvändighet för den svenska regeringen. Vid krigsslutet stod Sverige inför ett ödesdigert vägval: att ses som en medlöpare till Nazityskland eller som en humanitär stormakt.

Medan Finland tvingades betala enorma krigsskadestånd och genomgå en smärtsam politisk rensning, stod den svenska industrin intakt. För att rädda svensk handel och industri från allierade handelsrestriktioner behövde man en "moralisk tvättomat".

Läs också: 

De lokala Vita-bussarna – varför vill man absolut blanda dem med de riktiga? - Svenska historiens äpplen och päron - Hvem kom hjem med De Hvide Busser?

https://jimbaotoday.blogspot.com/2021/12/de-lokala-vita-bussarna-varfor.html

Bussdepå i Göteborg (övre bilden) och de omvandlade propagandastadsbussarna i Lund.

Bussdepå i Göteborg och propagandastadsbussarna före ommålningen. Den här gången istället för frivilliga soldater från terängtrupperna fick stadsbusschöförer bli "rödakorsare".

Bussdepå i Göteborg och propagandastadsbussarna före ommålningen. Registreringsskyltar på de äkta vita bussarna var militära med gula nummer på svart bakgrund.

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Vita Spöktåg kom från Ravensbrück och Hanover

Det första ”spöktåget” med kvinnor från Ravensbrück kom till Padborg, en gränsstation mellan Tyskland och Danmark, den 30 april. Från Padborg skedde med annat tåg, en vidaretransport till Köpenhamn, sedan färja till Malmö. Ytterligare ett tåg kom till Padborg den 2 maj. Det första var ett tåg bestående av 50 godsvagnar där 80 fångar stuvades in i varje vagn – totalt 3 989 kvinnor.  Det andra tåget kom med 2800 personer.

Low-temperature vacuum embedding process (LTVEP).

Photo of liver processed in LTVEP, taken in the electron microscope. The tissues section was not stained, so the density of the organelles is the original one. The Middle of the cell is occupied by the cell nucleus, and nucleoli can be easily seen in the 5 o'clock position. Also, nuclear pores and double nuclear membranes can be seen. Numerous dark spots in the cell are mitochondria. In the 4 o´clock position, outside the nucleus, the rough endoplasmic reticulum can be easily discerned.

Low-temperature vacuum embedding process (often associated with LTVEP) is a specialized tissue processing technique designed to dehydrate and embed biological samples—such as donor corneas or research tissue—without the damaging effects of high heat or chemical fixation.  The apparatus and the process were developed by Dr. Romuald (Roman) Wróblewski at Karolinska Institute in Stockholm.

Core Process Characteristics:

• Temperature & Vacuum: The technique uses a vacuum in a freeze-dryer to manipulate the boiling point of water, allowing tissue to dehydrate at low temperatures. To prevent freezing damage, the vacuum pressure is typically managed to stay above a certain threshold (e.g., >1.5 mbar).
• Low-Temperature Vacuum Embedding Process (LTVEP) was often used with specialized resins that, after dehydration in the specialized freeze-dryer, allow infiltration and polymerization at sub-zero temperatures, sometimes as low as -60°C, to preserve ultrastructure. During the entire procedure, freeze-drying, infiltration by low viscosity resins, and polymerization, the tissue is kept in the same tube in the freeze-dryer. First, after the polymerisation using UV-light at low temperature, the sample is allowed to reach room temperature.

Key Advantages:

• Excellent Structural Preservation: Prevents shrinkage, brittleness, and hardening caused by overheating.
• Biological Integrity: Maintains the biological characteristics of tissues, including extracellular matrix structures.
• Bio-molecule Preservation: Ideal for preserving DNA, RNA, and proteins, often allowing for fresh tissue transportation.
• Sterilization & Stability: Enables long-term, room-temperature storage of all biological tissues.
• Immunoreactivity: Preserves antigens, making the tissue suitable for subsequent immunogold labeling in electron microscopy

Reviews - With Korczak Through Life by Michał Wróblewski

 

Review of the English Edition

The book With Korczak Through Life by Michał Wróblewski (1911–1993), edited by his son Roman Wróblewski, is a rarity on the English publishing market. It belongs to the autoethnographic, autobiographical, and memoirist tradition. Although it is not a scholarly publication, it contains an extraordinarily valuable testimony to a bygone era. The book is, in every respect, magical; it transports readers to pre-war Warsaw, conveying the spirit of the times and the socio-historical atmosphere.

Professor Anna Odrowąż-Coates,

President of the International Korczak Association.

Review of the First Polish Edition

Few could write about Korczak like this. Closely, simply, intimately, about the essence of his talent, method, and humanity through his own experience and life. For me, Michał Wróblewski was my main source of knowledge when I was preparing the script for a film about Korczak.

Movie director Agnieszka Holland.

 

Michał Wróblewski’s book is a personal and authentic account of his encounter with Janusz Korczak and his ideals. Coming from Pinsk to Warsaw for studies, Wróblewski became a boarder at the Home. He learned about Korczak's unique educational methods and, under his influence, changed his plans and began studying pedagogy. He became one of the most committed educators and participants in daily life at the “House for Recovered Childhood” on Krochmalna Street. His memoir consists of portraits of the Home’s residents and staff, as well as, of course, the Old Doctor himself, a description of the Home's rules of coexistence and operation, and his own extremely valuable reflections, observations, and comments. A modest book, yet wise, insightful, and moving.

Professor Barbara Engelking.

The Living Legacy: The Spread of the Korczak Concept in Three Orphanages - Warszawa x 2 and Będzin x 1.

An orphanage for Jewish children in Bedzin. Identified in the photo: Fela Zyndorf (Zondorf), the child care worker, in the center, wearing glasses; Caregiver Ala Gertner (?), second row from the top, third from right. Photographed in 1941. ?- Another Ala Gertner was hanged in Auschwitz.

Korczak's connection to Będzin Orphanage was also deeply personal. Historical records from February 6, 1930, show that Korczak traveled to the Zagłębie region at the invitation of the TOZ society. During this visit, he gave a lecture specifically for the children at the Orphanage in Będzin before speaking in the evening to adults in Sosnowiec.

The Living Legacy: The Spread of the Korczak Concept in Three Orphanages - Warszawa x 2 and Będzin x 1.

Janusz Korczak’s system wasn't just a "local experiment in Warsaw", but a living movement carried forward also by his "disciples"—the former students and staff who became educators themselves. Also in the youth newspaper Mały Przegląd and his books, the ideas of self-governing, child courts, and similar were always present.

The "Korczak Rules" were never meant to be confined to the walls of Dom Sierot at 92 Krochmalna Street or at Nasz Dom at Bielany. Janusz Korczak and his close collaborators, Stefania Wilczyńska and Maryna Falska, viewed their orphanages as "laboratories" (I know, wrong word) for a new way of treating children. It was not a vision; Korczak´s system was carried across Poland and beyond through several channels.

The spread by "Bursa" educators
At both Dom Sierot (the Jewish orphanage) and Nasz Dom (the Christian home), Korczak established a Bursa—a dormitory for student teachers and older alumni. These young educators lived in the community, practiced the "Children's Republic" model daily, and then took those concepts to other institutions.

A National Network
Graduates from these Bursas became teachers at orphanages and schools across Poland (and abroad). When they arrived at places like the Bais Jatom orphanage in Będzin, they brought the "Korczak concept" with them—fully implementing children’s courts and parliaments to maintain human dignity even under the shadow of the Nazi occupation.

Spiritual Resistance in the Ghettos
During the Holocaust, the Korczak system became a form of spiritual resistance. In several orphanages, staff members (many of whom were influenced by Korczak or by his way of treating the children used these rules to give children a sense of agency and justice in a world that offered neither. I remember the story of a young teacher who became responsible for the group of boys at the Orphanage at Wolnosc Street in the Warsaw Ghetto. She was looking for the advice in Korczak's books.

Post-War Continuity in Jewish Orphanages at Rabka and Zakopane - Lena Küchler-Silberman
The system’s resilience was proven after the war ended. Lena Küchler-Silberman, who famously rescued 100 Jewish children (the "One Hundred Children"), utilized Korczak’s pedagogical principles in the orphanages she established in Rabka and Zakopane between 1945 and 1946. Küchler faced the daunting task of rehabilitating children who had survived camps and forest hideouts. She turned to the Korczak model of self-governance and mutual respect to help these traumatized youth transition from survival mode back into a community of trust and responsibility.

Third Orphanage in Poland with Korczak´s rules - Będzin

According to the story of the Kalkopf sisters (Guta, Gitla born 1926, and Dorotka, Dwojra born 1930), the Bedzin orphanage was a "Korczak Orphanage". Sisters, who survived the Holocaust and came to Sweden with the UNRRA-mission White Boats. I found that it was not an isolated anecdote; sisters said that they met Korczak at their orphanage, and Dorotka was sitting on his knees when he was telling stories.
According to Dorotka's daughter, the headmistress of the orphanage had probably worked with Dr. Korczak, as the children were treated very well and raised in the spirit of Korczak. Unfortunately, my mother did not know the headmistress's name; she only knew that she came from Warsaw and was probably one of the Bursa students at Korczak's orphanage (Dom Sierot) in Warszawa. Their story about Korczak visiting Będzin was confirmed by a former child from the orphanage, Isadore Hollander* in his oral testimony (from 1982, the Gratz College Oral History Archive). He described their entire Korczak system there.

 Architectural Design as part of Pedagogy and Hygiene

Korczak´s influence was even reflected in the physical structures of the orphanage homes. Three specific buildings stand as monuments to this cooperation: Dom Sierot in Warsaw and the Bais Jatom in Będzin were both designed by the architect Henryk Stifelman in close cooperation with Korczak. Similarly, the Nasz Dom building was designed by Zygmunt Tarasin, also in collaboration with Korczak.

The design was intentional. As a former resident, Dorotka Kalkopf recalls the Będzin home:

“The manager lived on the first floor, where there was also a library, a room with a piano, and a dining room. The girls' dormitory was on the second floor, and the boys' was on the third. The kitchen was located downstairs, and food was sent up via a lift.”

Blueprints show the facility was built for over fifty children. Notably, the dormitories in Będzin featured extra-large windows, mirroring the design of Dom Sierot in Warsaw—a physical manifestation of Korczak's desire to bring light, air, and transparency into the lives of orphans.

Part of Isadore Hollander's (IH) oral testimony (from 1982, the Gratz College Oral History Archive).

IH: Being accepted to an orphanage, was the best thing that had ever happened to me. It was a very well establishment, well-known in Europe, all over Poland and Europe. And it was established with the Charter by one of the well-
known Jewish people in Warsaw which he wrote, and he was a director of an orphanage,
Janusz Korczak.1 And...
JF: He was also, then, responsible for the establishment...
IH: No, he wasn’t, but we accepted his charter, how to raise children, how to
train us, how to make us good people, educated people, because he used a charter.
Children have to have a charter, on how to act. When I was 11 years of age, I was a president
from, I was the president of the board. And I ran an organization, like a children’s
organization. I read a constitution with paragraphs. And we all had duties as children. One
child had to learn how to cook. Two children had to know how to make breakfast for the
rest of the children. We were boys and girls. We were about 75 children in the orphanage.
JF: This constitution, you wrote or you read?
IH: No, this was written and adopted, from Janusz.
JF: I see.
IH: Korczak.
JF: I see.
IH: He was the one who wrote the constitution for children...
JF: I see.
IH: To govern an institution, like orphans. Now every institution has their own
constitution, their own by-laws, and laws. But this was given and then we adopted it, by
the well-known neurologist who became interested in the well-being of children all over Poland and
advocated advanced progressive ideas. He became head of an orphanage in the Warsaw Ghetto and perished with the children.
Janusz, from Janusz Korczak. And we did very well, and it did to me special being there,
for the time, till the age of 15. It did very good, because I was educated. I went to public school for seven years. I went three years to night school to finish like a...
JF: Like high school?
IH: Yeah, to the grade of high school. And being taught a trade as a tailor. And...
JF: You said you were president of the...
IH: I was being elected...
JF: Your, the group.
IH: Every year. Every year we had an election. We changed. One year when I
was president, the other year I could have been a secretary. We changed. We had a group, 
and maybe the third year I wasn’t on the board. Because we had 75 to 80 children in the
orphanage. So it changes, but everybody had a duty, from the children, to clean the rooms
we slept, to clean the bathrooms, to wash the dishes, to prepare breakfast, to give out dinner,
to stay at the dinner and give out the dinner for the children, to hang the laundry. Duties
were for every child to do. We played theaters. I was awarded when I was eight years of
age. I was awarded for playing the theater...
JF: You were an actor.
IH: In the show. And in comedy and any other thing. And I myself have a
very good sense of humor, and I am very liked by people. In a very
short time I am liked by people. And, but that’s life, the way it’s supposed to be, I think so.
It’s the way I was taught.
JF: It seems like you feel that you were taught a great deal of these
characteristics at the orphanage.
IH: Absolutely. It gave me a good deed. That’s a shame that I couldn’t use any
better ways to be more educated, going to school, but it didn’t, time didn’t permit. I wanted
to grow up fast, to start to earn a living and help my mother.
JF: Were you seeing her during those years?
IH: I, yes, we were allowed every weekend, Saturday afternoon, to go home to
see parents. Children who didn’t have anybody to see, one child took the other.
JF: So you must have gone with someone?
IH: And we went, I went to see my mother. I went to see my aunt, and I went to
see my grandmother, one of my grandmother’s, my father’s mother. I used to go every
Shabbas. And she had for me put away fruit, and anything she grew, the apples. She was,
but I was the only orphan, and she just, I was like an eye, an apple in her eye. She watched
my yahrzeit I shouldn’t miss, after my father. And in the orphanage did the same thing. We
were educated every one in Yiddish and in those years we were allowed Hebrew. And the
time went by till I was 15 and I had to step out from there.
JF: Were you also, you mentioned that you were educated in Yiddish and
Hebrew?
IH: In Yiddish, very well in you know, Chumash and...

* From "Oral History Interview with Isadore Hollander": Isadore Hollander, born 1920 in Paris, France, describes moving to Bendin (Bedzin), Poland with his Polish parents and older sister in 1923; the pre-war Jewish community; his father’s death and living from ages 11 to 15 in an orphanage, which operated according to Janusz Korczak guidelines; his mother’s re-marriage; joining a Zionist youth group; the growing antisemitism in Poland; the German invasion in September 1939 and running from town to town to avoid forced labor, until he was captured and sent to work in a coal mine in Javorzno near Krakow, Poland; escaping to Russian-occupied Poland and living in Lvov (L'viv, Ukraine) at the beginning of 1940; avoiding imprisonment for “illegal” business by registering for work in Russia; being assigned to Stalino coal mine in the Donbas region; escaping to Rovno (Rivne, Ukraine) and his religious life there from the winter of 1940 to June 1941; the establishment of the Rovno ghetto and escaping from slave labor with help from former Polish soldiers; living with 10 other Jews in near by forests until 1943; having minimal contact with Polish partisans due to mutual suspicion; serving in the Polish Army; witnessing the German-evacuated Majdanek; his life as a Polish soldier including revenge he and other Jewish soldiers took on Volkdeutsche Poles; returning at the end of the war to Bendin and meeting his future wife; their escape from Poland and life in Deggendorf displaced persons camp in Bavaria, Germany; and immigrating to the United States and settling in Philadelphia, PA in 1947.

The names of all the children who lived in the Jewish Orphanage on Sienkiewicza 19 in 1939, according to the Bedzin Census:

Dawid ABRAMCZYK;
Chana ADLERFLIEGEL
Frajndla BERGMAN
Chana BERMAN
Chaja CYMBERG
Gitla DLUGONOGA
Lejbus FLUM
Sara GLASS
Berisz GOLDFELD
Gitla GOSLEWSKI
Chaim GUTENCAJG i Zalma GUTENCAJG
Mosze HOPFENBERG
Dwojra KALKOPF i Gitla KALKOPF *
Masza KUPCZYK
Chaim PENCZAK
Wolf STRÓZ/ZELMANOWICZ
Gitla SZAFIR, Josef Chaim SZAFIR i Rajzla SZAFIR
Urysz SZAJNTAL
Frajdla SZWIMER
Brajndla TRAJMAN i Sura Chawa TRAJMAN.

In addition, the following people lived in the orphanage:
Gustawa BROSS (an official)
Chuna GOLDSZTAJN (a worker) and his family
Chil and Wolf GOLDSZTAJN
Rachela GRYNBAUM (a worker).

In 1942, the Jewish police, under the orders of Hersz BARENBLAT, rounded up all the children in the orphanage and shipped them to their deaths in Auschwitz.

Zdjęcia ze strony na Facebooku - Bedzin Research Group.

Granice Getta Warszawskiego na niemieckich mapach z 1942 i 1943 roku.

Zmiany granic getta warszawskiego w latach 1942–1943 były bezpośrednio związane z procesem jego stopniowej likwidacji i drastycznym zmniejszaniem populacji żydowskiej w wyniku deportacji do obozów zagłady.

Na niemieckiej mapie Warszawy z 1944 roku nie ma już zaznaczonych granic getta, nawet nie ma zaznaczonych torów z Umszlagu.

Zmiany granic getta warszawskiego w latach 1942–1943 były bezpośrednio związane z procesem jego stopniowej likwidacji i drastycznym zmniejszaniem populacji żydowskiej w wyniku deportacji do obozów zagłady.

Główne etapy zmian terytorialnych

Sytuacja w 1942 roku przed Wielką Deportacją (bordowe granice na mapie).

• Wielka Akcja (lipiec–wrzesień 1942): Przed rozpoczęciem deportacji getto obejmowało ok. 307 hektarów. Po wywiezieniu blisko 300 tys. osób do obozu w Treblince, obszar dzielnicy został radykalnie ograniczony poprzez wyłączenie z getta jego południową część, tzw. Małe Getto.
• Likwidacja "Małego Getta": W sierpniu 1942 roku Niemcy wyłączyli z getta jego południową część (tzw. Małe Getto), obejmującą m.in. tereny wokół placu Grzybowskiego i ulicy Pańskiej. Jedynym łącznikiem między obiema częściami był drewniany most nad ulicą Chłodną, który został rozebrany po odcięciu tej części dzielnicy.
• Getto Szczątkowe (wrzesień 1942 – kwiecień 1943): Po zakończeniu Wielkiej Akcji getto przestało być spójnym obszarem mieszkalnym. Stało się zbiorem odizolowanych enklaw, tzw. "szopów" (zakładów produkcyjnych pracujących na potrzeby armii niemieckiej), w których skoszarowano pozostałych przy życiu Żydów.
  • Główna część (Getto Centralne): Obejmowała tereny w rejonie ulic Gęsiej, Zamenhofa i Nalewek.
  • Tereny szopów: Oddzielone od getta centralnego pasami "strony aryjskiej" (np. szop Toebbensa i Schultza w rejonie ul. Leszno i Karmelickiej). 

Sytuacja w 1943 roku przed powstaniem w kwietniu (niebieskie granice na mapie).

• Powstanie i ostateczna likwidacja: W kwietniu 1943 roku, w momencie wybuchu powstania, walki toczyły się już na znacznie mniejszym, "szczątkowym" obszarze. Niemcy systematycznie niszczyli i palili dom po domu, co doprowadziło do fizycznego unicestwienia zabudowy getta.
• Symboliczny koniec: Po stłumieniu powstania w maju 1943 roku, granice getta praktycznie przestały istnieć, a cały jego teren został zamieniony w morze ruin.