Saturday, October 24, 2026

Pan Misza's Four Jobs in the Warsaw Ghetto - Janusz Korczak's Orphans' Home as a Base for Rescue

The Warsaw Ghetto, isolated from the world in November 1940, quickly became a gigantic, enclosed engine of extermination. The German plan was simple: if bullets did not kill, hunger would. Official food rations for the Jewish population amounted to a mere 180–200 calories per day.
The effects of this policy were horrifying. In 1941 and the first half of 1942 alone, more than 100,000 people died of starvation and typhus within the sealed district. Anyone who has watched the harrowing documentary films from that era carries the exact same image under their eyelids—the Jewish cemetery on Okopowa Street. The bodies of the deceased, resembling human skeletons covered in skin, were laid on special ramps and chutes made of rough wooden planks, from which they were dumped anonymously and en masse directly into massive communal graves. In such conditions, the fight for even one extra bowl of soup was a battle to avoid becoming just another nameless skeleton on the cemetery chute.
To fully grasp the magnitude of this tragedy and to understand that these were not ordinary "difficult wartime conditions," but a death zone artificially engineered by the German apparatus, one need only look at the hard demographic data from the first four months of 1942.
The comparison below contrasts the average monthly mortality rate in the ghetto with the situation on the so-called "Aryan side" of Warsaw, in London during the Luftwaffe air raids, and in neutral Stockholm:
Comparison of Monthly Mortality (January – April 1942)
City / Area in 1942Approximate PopulationAverage Number of Deaths Within a Single MonthPercentage of Population Dying Each Month
馃敶 Warsaw Ghettoapprox. 300,000approx. 4,780 deathsapprox. 1.60% of the entire ghetto population
⚪ Warsaw (Aryan side)approx. 900,000approx. 1,000 deathsapprox. 0.11% of the entire population
馃嚞馃嚙 London (during the Blitz)approx. 7,000,000approx. 7,800 deathsapprox. 0.11% of the entire population
馃嚫馃嚜 Stockholm (neutral)approx. 620,000approx. 580 deathsapprox. 0.09% of the entire population
These figures expose a staggering truth. In the Warsaw Ghetto, a higher percentage of people died in a single month (1.71% in the record-breaking January of 1942) than in Stockholm over nearly a year and a half, and the probability of dying was nearly 15 times higher than on the other side of the wall or in the bombarded capital of the British Empire. While in London the war brought death from the sky, the structure of the state and food supplies protected life. In the ghetto, hunger killed silently.
In this living hell, work was not a matter of career. Work was the only opportunity to secure an extra morsel of food, and food meant surviving another day. My father, Pan Misza (Wasserman Wr贸blewski), took up the gauntlet thrown by fate. In order to survive and help others, he had to take on four completely different roles within the ghetto walls, for which Janusz Korczak's Orphans' Home served as the sole base, shelter, and anchor. Here is the story of his struggle.
  1. Educator at the Orphans' Home: The Fight for the Child's Dignity
The first job, and the closest to Pan Misza's heart, was serving as an educator in the unique children's republic run by Janusz Korczak. First before the war on Krochmalna Street, and after the forced relocation of the Orphans' Home into the ghetto—in the building at Sienna 16 / 艢liska 9.
An educator in the ghetto had to be more than a teacher—he had to simultaneously act as a shield protecting the children's psyche from the surrounding horror. Alongside the Old Doctor, Pan Misza taught, organized the student self-government, wrote chronicles, and, when no one was looking, wiped away tears. Yet, the supply situation of the institution grew more catastrophic by the week. The number of children exceeded two hundred, and supplies were dwindling rapidly.
It was then that Janusz Korczak took on the role he himself described, with painful irony, as a beggar (ja艂mu偶nik). Ill, profoundly exhausted, his legs swollen from starvation, the Old Doctor went out into the city every day. He walked from door to door—to wealthy landlords, smugglers, speculators, and Judenrat officials—literally begging, pleading, and arguing for every single zloty, for a few grams of groats, for cod liver oil, for rusks to feed his children. When food ran out, the staff had to seek other avenues of rescue beyond the institution's walls.
  1. Rickshaw Driver: "Leszno-Solna – rickshaw free!"
When an educator's salary could no longer secure czarny rynek (black market) food, Pan Misza had to eke out an additional income on the cobblestones of the ghetto—he became a rickshaw driver. The streetcars in the ghetto (the famous lines marked with the Star of David) were overcrowded, and almost all horses had eventually been eaten. Bicycle rickshaws became the primary mode of transportation for those who needed to move around.
The red rickshaw he operated had its own family history—it belonged to his aunt Krystyna, who worked as a waitress in the very same building that housed the Orphans' Home. Pedal-pushing with all his might along the broken pavement, my father would call out loudly at the intersections: "Leszno-Solna – ryksza wolna!" ("Leszno-Solna – rickshaw free!").
Everything indicates that Pan Misza used this very rickshaw to transport Janusz Korczak himself when the Doctor, acting as the aforementioned beggar, had to cover miles to collect funds and salvage provisions. The rickshaw work brought my father a few pennies, which were immediately exchanged for bread on the free market and brought back to the base on Sienna Street.
  1. The Smuggler "on the Phone" and the Rescue of Memory
The third facet of Pan Misza's life was the most perilous—he entered the world of smuggling, which was the sole reason the ghetto did not starve to death within three months. My father worked in a system known as "smuggling on the phone."
The key to success was a corrupt arrangement. Whenever a "friendly" (meaning paid-off) Blue Police (Policja Granatowa) officer and Jewish police officer were on duty at the ghetto entrance gate, Pan Misza would send a telephone signal to the other side of the wall—the Aryan side. The contact with the Blue Police was made possible by my grandfather Gabriel; his old school classmate was directly responsible for the police units guarding the ghetto boundaries. Following my father's phone call, sacks of flour, groats, or meat were swiftly hurled over the wall or slipped through the gate.
This group of smugglers with whom Pan Misza was connected likely played another historic role. It was almost certainly these brave individuals, possessing contacts at the gates and knowing every hidden corner of the wall and other passageways, who managed to smuggle Janusz Korczak’s priceless documents (including his Ghetto Diary) out of the Large Ghetto. Pan Misza rescued these papers from the Small Ghetto, secured them, and hid them shortly after the tragic August deportation of the Doctor and the children to Treblinka.
  1. Construction Worker: A Passport to Life
The fourth and final job held by Pan Misza was a direct gift from Janusz Korczak, who until the very end attempted to save his young, talented educational staff. Prior to the Great Deportation Action (Wielka Akcja), the Doctor utilized his connections to secure work for Pan Misza and three former wards of the Orphans' Home in a labor commando that marched out of the Ghetto daily.
My father began working as a construction worker on the Aryan side. Passing beyond the walls under German escort was a privilege—it meant and provided the opportunity to bring food back from the outside.
This was Pan Misza's final job in the ghetto. One day, taking advantage of the commotion and the guards' lapses in attention, Pan Misza made a definitive choice. He did not return behind the walls from the construction site. He slipped away from the column, tore off his Star of David armband, and remained on the Aryan side to continue the fight against the occupier under a new name and to save the memory of the Doctor, the educators, and the children of the Orphans' Home.
The medical and existential hell of Warsaw in 1941 and 1942 revealed the full spectrum of the phenomenon of survival. As Pan Misza himself summarized years later in his memoirs: "And yet life itself showed that Korczak was not a 'program of resignation'." It was a program of active, desperate warfare for the human being, in which every single job my father performed—backed by the safe haven of Korczak's home—became another day won against death.

Dom Sierot Korczaka jako baza ratunku. Cztery prace Pana Miszy w Warszawskim Getcie.


W Warszawskim Getcie umieranie na ulicach by艂o tragiczn膮 codzienno艣ci膮. Wynika艂o ono przede wszystkim ze skrajnego g艂odu, chor贸b (g艂贸wnie tyfusu) oraz przeludnienia.
Warszawskie getto, odizolowane od 艣wiata w listopadzie 1940 roku, szybko sta艂o si臋 gigantyczn膮, zamkni臋t膮 machin膮 eksterminacji. Niemiecki plan by艂 prosty: je艣li nie zabij膮 kule, zrobi to g艂贸d. Oficjalne racje 偶ywno艣ciowe dla ludno艣ci 偶ydowskiej wynosi艂y zaledwie oko艂o 180–200 kalorii dziennie. Klasyczny McDonald's Big Mac ma 548 kcal. 艢rednie zapotrzebowanie kaloryczne wynosi oko艂o 2000 kcal dla kobiet oraz oko艂o 2500 kcal dla m臋偶czyzn.
Efekty tej polityki by艂y przera偶aj膮ce. W samym tylko 1941 roku i pierwszej po艂owie 1942 roku na zamkni臋tym obszarze z g艂odu i tyfusu plamistego zmar艂o ponad 100 tysi臋cy ludzi. Ka偶dy, kto ogl膮da艂 wstrz膮saj膮ce filmy dokumentalne z tamtego okresu, ma pod powiekami ten sam obraz z cmentarza 偶ydowskiego przy ulicy Okopowej. Cia艂a zmar艂ych, przypominaj膮ce ludzkie szkielety obci膮gni臋te sk贸r膮, uk艂adano na specjalnych, zbitych z surowych desek pomostach – swoistych pochylniach i zje偶d偶alniach – z kt贸rych bezimiennie, masowo spuszczano je wprost do gigantycznych, zbiorowych grob贸w. W takich warunkach walka o cho膰by jedno dodatkowe naczynie z zup膮 by艂a walk膮 o to, by samemu nie sta膰 si臋 kolejnym bezimiennym szkieletem na cmentarnej zje偶d偶alni.
Aby w pe艂ni poj膮膰 ogrom tej tragedii i zrozumie膰, 偶e nie by艂y to zwyk艂e „trudne warunki wojenne”, lecz sztucznie wygenerowana przez niemiecki aparat strefa 艣mierci, wystarczy spojrze膰 na twarde dane demograficzne z pierwszych czterech miesi臋cy 1942 roku.
Poni偶sze zestawienie por贸wnuje 艣redni膮 miesi臋czn膮 艣miertelno艣膰 w getcie z sytuacj膮 po tzw. „aryjskiej stronie” Warszawy, w bombardowanym przez Luftwaffe Londynie oraz w neutralnym Sztokholmie:
Por贸wnanie 艣miertelno艣ci miesi臋cznej (Stycze艅 – Kwiecie艅 1942)
Miasto / Obszar w 1942 rokuPrzybli偶ona populacja艢rednia liczba zgon贸w w ci膮gu jednego miesi膮caProcent populacji umieraj膮cy co miesi膮c
馃敶 Getto warszawskieok. 300 000ok. 4 780 zgon贸wok. 1,60% ca艂ej populacji getta
⚪ Warszawa (strona aryjska)ok. 900 000ok. 1 000 zgon贸wok. 0,11% ca艂ej populacji
馃嚞馃嚙 Londyn (w czasie nalot贸w)ok. 7 000 000ok. 7 800 zgon贸wok. 0,11% ca艂ej populacji
馃嚫馃嚜 Sztokholm (neutralny)ok. 620 000ok. 580 zgon贸wok. 0,09% ca艂ej populacji
Dane te obna偶aj膮 pora偶aj膮c膮 prawd臋. W getcie warszawskim w ci膮gu zaledwie jednego miesi膮ca umiera艂o procentowo wi臋cej ludzi (1,71% w rekordowym styczniu 1942 roku), ni偶 w Sztokholmie przez blisko p贸艂tora roku, a prawdopodobie艅stwo 艣mierci by艂o niemal 15-krotnie wy偶sze ni偶 po drugiej stronie muru czy w bombardowanej stolicy Imperium Brytyjskiego. Podczas gdy w Londynie wojna nios艂a 艣mier膰 z nieba, struktura pa艅stwa i aprowizacja chroni艂y 偶ycie. W getcie g艂贸d zabija艂 po cichu.
W tym piekle praca nie by艂a kwesti膮 kariery. Praca by艂a jedyn膮 mo偶liwo艣ci膮 zdobycia dodatkowego k臋sa jedzenia, a jedzenie oznacza艂o prze偶ycie kolejnego dnia. M贸j Ojciec, Pan Misza (Wasserman Wr贸blewski), podj膮艂 t臋 rzucon膮 przez los r臋kawic臋. Aby przetrwa膰 i pomaga膰 innym, musia艂 w murach getta przybiera膰 cztery zupe艂nie r贸偶ne role, dla kt贸rych to w艂a艣nie Dom Sierot Janusza Korczaka stanowi艂 jedyn膮 baz臋, schronienie i punkt oparcia. Oto historia jego walki.
1. Wychowawca w Domu Sierot: Walka o godno艣膰 dziecka.
Pierwsz膮 i najbli偶sz膮 sercu prac膮 Pana Miszy by艂a funkcja wychowawcy w unikalnej republice dzieci臋cej Janusza Korczaka. Najpierw przed wojn膮 przy Krochmalnej, a po przymusowym przesiedleniu Domu Sierot do getta –  w budynku Sienna 16 / 艢liska 9.
Wychowawca w getcie musia艂 by膰 kim艣 wi臋cej ni偶 pedagogiem – by膰 jednocze艣nie tarcz膮 chroni膮c膮 dzieci臋c膮 psychik臋 przed otaczaj膮cym horrorem. Pan Misza u boku Starego Doktora uczy艂, organizowa艂 samorz膮d, pisa艂 kroniki i gdy nikt nie widzia艂, ociera艂 艂zy. Jednak sytuacja aprowizacyjna plac贸wki z tygodnia na tydzie艅 stawa艂a si臋 katastrofalna. Liczba dzieci wynosi艂a ponad dwie艣cie, a zapasy topnia艂y gwa艂townie.
To wtedy Janusz Korczak podj膮艂 si臋 roli, kt贸r膮 sam z bolesn膮 ironi膮 okre艣la艂 mianem ja艂mu偶nika. Chory, potwornie zm臋czony, z g艂odowymi obrz臋kami n贸g, Stary Doktor ka偶dego dnia wyrusza艂 w miasto. Chodzi艂 od drzwi do drzwi – do bogatych kamienicznik贸w, przemytnik贸w, spekulant贸w i urz臋dnik贸w Judenratu – dos艂ownie 偶ebrz膮c, prosz膮c i k艂贸c膮c si臋 o ka偶d膮 z艂ot贸wk臋, o par臋 deko kaszy, o tran, o suchary dla swoich dzieci. Kiedy brakowa艂o jedzenia, personel musia艂 szuka膰 innych dr贸g ratunku poza murami instytucji.
2. Ryksiarz: „Leszno-Solna – ryksza wolna!”
Gdy pensja wychowawcy nie by艂a w stanie zapewni膰 艣rodk贸w na czarnorynkowe jedzenie, Pan Misza musia艂 wygospodarowa膰 dodatkowy doch贸d na bruku getta – zosta艂 ryksiarzem. Tramwaje w getcie (s艂ynne linie z gwiazd膮 Dawida) by艂y przepe艂nione, a prawie wszystkie konie z czasem zjedzono. Ryksze rowerowe sta艂y si臋 g艂贸wnym 艣rodkiem transportu dla tych, kt贸rzy musieli si臋 przemieszcza膰.
Czerwona ryksza, kt贸r膮 je藕dzi艂, mia艂a swoj膮 rodzinn膮 histori臋 – nale偶a艂a do jego ciotki Krystyny, kt贸ra pracowa艂a jako kelnerka w tym samym budynku, w kt贸rym mie艣ci艂 si臋 Dom Sierot. M贸j Ojciec, peda艂uj膮c z ca艂ych si艂 po dziurawym bruku, wo艂a艂 dono艣nie na skrzy偶owaniach: „Leszno-Solna – ryksza wolna!”.
Wszystko wskazuje na to, 偶e t膮 sam膮 ryksz膮 Pan Misza wozi艂 r贸wnie偶 samego Janusza Korczaka, gdy ten, jako wspomniany ja艂mu偶nik, musia艂 przemierza膰 kilometry, by zbiera膰 fundusze i ratowa膰 prowiant. Praca ryksiarza dawa艂a Ojcu par臋 groszy, kt贸re natychmiast zamieniano na chleb na wolnym rynku i przynoszono z powrotem do bazy na Siennej.
3. Szmugler „na telefonie” i ratunek pami臋ci
Trzecie oblicze Pana Miszy by艂o najbardziej niebezpieczne – wszed艂 w 艣wiat szmuglu, kt贸ry by艂 jedynym powodem, dla kt贸rego getto nie wymar艂o z g艂odu w trzy miesi膮ce. Ojciec pracowa艂 w systemie tzw. „szmuglu na telefon”.
Kluczem do sukcesu by艂 uk艂ad korupcyjny. Gdy przy bramie wej艣ciowej do getta dy偶urowa艂a „zaprzyja藕niona” (czyli op艂acona) Policja Granatowa oraz policja 偶ydowska, Pan Misza dawa艂 sygna艂 telefoniczny na drug膮 stron臋 muru, na stron臋 aryjsk膮. Kontakt z Policj膮 Granatow膮 by艂 mo偶liwy dzi臋ki mojemu Dziadkowi Gabrielowi – jego szkolny kolega z dawnych lat odpowiada艂 bezpo艣rednio za jednostki policji granatowej pilnuj膮ce granic getta. Po telefonie Ojca, przez mur lub przez bram臋 b艂yskawicznie przerzucano worki z m膮k膮, kasz膮 czy mi臋sem.
Ta grupa szmugler贸w, z kt贸r膮 zwi膮zany by艂 Pan Misza, odegra艂a prawdopodobnie jeszcze jedn膮, historyczn膮 rol臋. To najpewniej w艂a艣nie ci odwa偶ni ludzie, maj膮cy kontakty przy bramach i znaj膮cy ka偶dy zakamarek muru i inne przej艣cia, zdo艂ali wynie艣膰 z terenu Duzego Getta bezcenne dokumenty Janusza Korczaka (w tym jego Pami臋tnik), kt贸re Pan Misza uratowa艂 z Ma艂ego Getta, zabezpieczy艂 i ukry艂 tu偶 po tragicznej sierpniowej deportacji Doktora i dzieci do Treblinki.
4. Robotnik budowlany: Przepustka do 偶ycia
Ostatnia, czwarta praca Pana Miszy by艂a bezpo艣rednim darem od Janusza Korczaka, kt贸ry do samego ko艅ca pr贸bowa艂 ratowa膰 swoj膮 m艂od膮, zdoln膮 kadr臋 pedagogiczn膮. Przed Wielk膮 Akcj膮 likwidacyjn膮, Doktor wykorzysta艂 swoje znajomo艣ci, by za艂atwi膰 Panu Miszy oraz trzem dawnym wychowankom Domu Sierot prac臋 w komandzie robotniczej wychodz膮cej codziennie na zewn膮trz Getta.
Ojciec zacz膮艂 pracowa膰 jako robotnik budowlany po stronie aryjskiej. Wychodzenie poza mury pod niemieck膮 eskort膮 by艂o przywilejem – oznacza艂o i dawa艂o mo偶liwo艣膰 przynoszenia z zewn膮trz 偶ywno艣ci.
To by艂a ostatnia praca Pana Miszy w getcie. Pewnego dnia, wykorzystuj膮c zamieszanie i nieuwag臋 stra偶nik贸w, Pan Misza podj膮艂 ostateczn膮 decyzj臋. Nie powr贸ci艂 z placu budowy za mury. Od艂膮czy艂 si臋 od kolumny, zrzuci艂 opask臋 z gwiazd膮 Dawida i zosta艂 na na aryjskiej stronie by pod nowym nazwiskiem kontynuowa膰 walk臋 z okupantem i ratowa膰 pami臋膰 Doktora, wychowawc贸w i wychowank贸w Domu Sierot
Medyczne i bytowe piek艂o Warszawy roku 1941 i 1942 pokaza艂o pe艂ne spektrum fenomenu przetrwania. Jak podsumowa艂 po latach we wspomnieniach sam Pan Misza: „A jednak 偶ycie samo pokaza艂o, 偶e Korczak nie by艂 »programem rezygnacji«”. By艂 programem czynnej, rozpaczliwej walki o cz艂owieka, w kt贸rej ka偶da praca mojego Ojca – wspierana przez bezpieczn膮 przysta艅 korczakowskiego domu – stawa艂a si臋 kolejnym dniem wygranym ze 艣mierci膮.

Sweden's Museum about "about the Holocaust": When International Law Becomes an Arena for Questionable Positions – Right as Swedish Antisemitism Peakes Post-WWII and Just Days Before Crystall Night Remembrances.

Sweden's Museum about "about the Holocaust": When International Law Becomes an Arena for Questionable Positions – Right as Swedish Antisemitism Peaked Post-WWII and Just Days Before Kristallnacht Remembrances.

In my previous post, I noted that Sweden’s Museum about the Holocaust has evolved into an institution (actually a government agency) that prefers comfortable side tracks and local field archaeology over confronting the uncomfortable truths of history and the present. Now, the museum's leadership, headed by archaeologist Katherine Hauptman, is taking the next step along this tone-deaf path.
On November 4, the museum is inviting the public to a lecture titled "Mark Klamberg: International Law after the Holocaust." The stated purpose is to shed light on how the Holocaust has affected international law and its history. However, the choice of speaker raises deep and justified doubts.
Mark Klamberg and his wife, the political flip-flopper Birgitta Ohlsson, are well-known for their public stances. In recent times, Klamberg has profiled himself in the debate by shifting his position to claim that Israel's warfare in Gaza legally constitutes a "genocide," while Ohlsson's new political party advocates for boycotting the only democracy in the Middle East, Israel, with a European boycott. For a state agency tasked with preserving the memory of an actual, industrial genocide to choose to provide a platform to an individual pushing such a controversial and politically charged line is nothing short of audacious.
For the museum to choose to advertise Mark Klamberg under such a questionable title is nothing less than a disgrace. It is a direct denial of the unique character and distinct historical weight of the Holocaust. By giving a platform to a speaker with such deeply biased and heavily criticized stances on Gaza, the museum is hijacking history. They are reducing the industrial slaughter of six million Jews to a partisan political bludgeon in today's debate. Conflating the absolute uniqueness of the Holocaust with current, highly contested wartime politics is not only historically illiterate—it is a direct and deliberate insult to the victims of the Holocaust. It contributes to antisemitism in Sweden!
If this is the standard of the museum's public programming, one can only capitulate. The museum leadership should immediately return to what they at least possess formal competence in. Let Hauptman and her staff pack up their shovels and return to excavating the Swedish reception camps from 1945–1946. Digging up rusty spoons and old medicine bottles from Swedish soil might just be popular-science theater, but at the very least, they do the least possible damage to the historical record.
Practical information - Ticket costs 100 SEK. Pre-booking required. A program ticket includes admission to the museum. The offer is valid on the same day as the program event.
Let Hauptman and her staff pack up their shovels and return to excavating the Swedish reception camps from 1945–1946. Digging up rusty spoons and old medicine bottles from Swedish soil might just be popular-science theater, but at the very least, they do the least possible damage to the historical record.

With the help of AI:
Here are some of the most prominent experts and researchers who argue that Israel is not committing genocide in Gaza:
  1. Stefan Talmon
  • Who: Professor of International Law at the University of Bonn and a practicing barrister in London.
  • Argument: Talmon has emphasized in public interviews that, based on available evidence, there is no clear intent to commit genocide on Israel's part. He highlights the extremely high legal burden of proof required to establish genocidal intent under international law. He argues that civilian suffering and destruction in Gaza must instead be analyzed as potential war crimes or crimes against humanity within the framework of urban warfare, but not as genocide.
  1. John Spencer
  • Who: Assistant Professor and Chair of Urban Warfare Studies at the Modern War Institute at West Point (US Military Academy), and a veteran of the US Army.
  • Argument: Spencer forcefully argues against the accusation of genocide by pointing to Israel's actual military conduct. He highlights that the Israeli military (IDF) has implemented extensive measures to evacuate civilians, establish humanitarian zones, provide field hospitals, and warn civilians via leaflets and phone calls prior to attacks. According to Spencer, these actions are diametrically opposed to an intent to destroy a population. He contends that the massive destruction is due to Hamas's strategy of using civilian infrastructure and an underground tunnel network as human shields, rather than an Israeli plan for annihilation.
  1. Clemens Heni
  • Who: German political scientist and researcher specializing in antisemitism, and director of the Berlin International Center for the Study of Antisemitism (BICSA).
  • Argument: Heni has argued in academic contexts that while the IDF may have committed serious war crimes in Gaza (including criticism of starvation policies and the treatment of civilians), it does not legally constitute a genocide. He maintains that using the term genocide in this context lacks an academic foundation.
  1. Academic and Legal Networks (Open letter with 6,000 signatories)
    In a high-profile international initiative, over 6,000 academics, historians, and legal experts have signed an open letter formally rejecting the accusation of genocide. Among the most prominent experts in this network are:
  • Steven Pinker: Professor of Psychology at Harvard University and a well-known public intellectual.
  • Niall Ferguson: Prominent British historian and senior fellow at the Hoover Institution (Stanford University).
  • Irwin Cotler: Canadian international law expert, professor emeritus of law at McGill University, and the country's former Minister of Justice.
Their collective argument: They reject the accusation of genocide as a politicization of the term. They point out that the civilian-to-combatant casualty ratio in Gaza is in line with, or even lower than, other modern asymmetric urban conflicts (such as the battles against ISIS in Mosul or Raqqa), which they argue disproves the thesis of a systematic genocide.
  1. The International Court of Justice in The Hague (ICJ) – Legal Status
    It is also worth noting that the International Court of Justice (ICJ), which is handling South Africa's lawsuit against Israel, has ruled in its preliminary orders that a plausible risk of genocide exists and that Israel must take measures to prevent it. However, the court has not at this stage ruled that a genocide is actually occurring, as the final assessment of whether specific genocidal intent exists can take several years to resolve legally.

Friday, October 23, 2026

Abramek - krn膮brny wychowanek w Domu Sierot Korczaka - Pani Stefa: "Piek艂o ma du偶e pazury".

Zeszyt Jakuba Kutalczuka to prawdziwa kopalnia wiedzy o codziennych dyskusjach personelu. Abramek Piek艂o, o kt贸rym poprzednio pisa艂em, 偶e by艂 sprawc膮 wielu konflikt贸w, obrzuca艂 dzieci z艂o艣liwymi przezwiskami i nie waha艂 si臋 poda膰 do s膮du samego Janusza Korczaka, gdy ten w emocjach nazwa艂 go „Piekielnikiem”.

Ta kr贸tka notatka Pani Stefy w zeszycie wychowawcy Pana Jakuba, to genialny, psychologiczny portret tego krn膮brnego wychowanka, uchwycony na gor膮co w codziennym zeszycie komunikacji kadry.

[Pisane czarnym atramentem:]
Wi臋c jak mo偶na w og贸le zaproponowa膰 jemu tak膮 misj臋.
Przej艣膰 do porz膮dku dziennego nad podobnemi sprawami
my艣l臋, 偶e jest ze wzgl臋du czysto wychowawczego nie
wskazane. Czy to nie jest czasem jeden z powod贸w
w dzi臋ki kt贸rym nasze dzieci nabieraj膮, 偶e ca艂y 艣wiat
kr臋ci w naoko艂o nich i wszystko jest na ich
us艂ugach?
Bardzo mo偶liwe, 偶e wychodz臋 z fa艂szywego za艂o偶enia,
gdy偶 dobralem Karolka, Mani臋 L. i Borberga. My艣l臋 jednak, 偶e te fakty nie s膮 odosobnione.
[Pisane czerwonym atramentem:]
1-go b臋dzie zmiana sto艂贸w. Mnie pan
wpierw z艂o偶y podanie Do Samorz膮du, 偶eby
dobierali si臋 tak, bior膮c pod uwag臋, 偶e musz膮
przenie艣膰 dy偶urnych na trzy miesi膮ce.
[Pisane czerwonym atramentem]
4/III  Piek艂o ma du偶e pazury.
[Pisane czarnym atramentem:]
W pi膮tek krytycznym
obcina艂em i Pi臋ciorogi r贸wnie偶.
K.P.R. postanowi艂o wyda膰 gimnastykuj膮cym si臋 z rana jakie艣
koszulki*. Przede wszystkim koszulki s膮 brudne i kto wie gdzie
le偶a艂y dotychczas. Dalej przyni贸s艂 Dembi艅ski w wiecz贸r wyj膮tkowo
Bursistka, R贸藕ka Sternkac (Sternkac贸wna), te偶 opisa艂a Abramka w swoim Zeszycie bursistki. 

Piek艂o. Bawi si臋 na lekcjach markami i kliszami – cz臋sto nauczyciel mu konfiskuje. Ale patrzy na to „przez palce, bo czuje do niego sentyment”. Na og贸艂 wida膰, i偶 Piek艂o si臋 stara: zachowuje si臋 troch臋 lepiej; z rachunk贸w b. s艂aby.
Ta kr贸tka, intymna notatka bursistki, R贸藕ki Sternkac w genialny spos贸b dope艂nia obraz Abramka Piek艂o, o kt贸rym pisa艂em poprzednio(m.in. w ksi膮偶ce "Z Korczakiem przez 偶ycie", 2026). Cho膰 z wcze艣niejszych zapisk贸w wy艂ania艂 si臋 obraz dziecka z艂o艣liwego, skorego do konflikt贸w i „pokazuj膮cego pazury”, ta relacja ods艂ania zupe艂nie inn膮 stron臋. Widzimy tu ch艂opca, kt贸ry potrafi wzbudzi膰 w doros艂ych autentyczn膮 sympati臋 („czuje do niego sentyment”) i kt贸ry mimo trudnego charakteru wk艂ada realny wysi艂ek w popraw臋 swojego zachowania („wida膰, i偶 Piek艂o si臋 stara”). Szczeg贸艂 o tym, 偶e Abramek bawi si臋 na lekcjach „markami i kliszami” (czyli znaczkami pocztowymi i kliszami fotograficznymi), to uroczy wgl膮d w to, czym pasjonowa艂y si臋 dzieci w przedwojennej Warszawie.

* Prawdopodobnie chodzi o koszulki w paski z klubu sportowego Domu Sierot P艂omie艅.